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La Santa Muerte and Her Interventions in Human Affairs: a Theological Discussion

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Abstract

This article focuses upon the popular devotion for la Santa Muerte that emerged in Mexico and is gaining a rapid increase in notoriety in the country and abroad. The first sections reconstruct in detail its protean manifestations, as well as the interpretations contained in extant scholarly investigations, popular Mexican press and other texts. The final section, adopting a fine-grained, theological-epistemological viewpoint argues that la Santa’s interventions in human affairs, essential to explain her popularity, although usually described as ‘miracles’ can be better understood as paros—a term employed by devotees in order to define the end of a situation, usually unpleasant or unfavourable. It is also argued that a careful examination of such paros provides us with deeper insights into the devotion’s success and resiliency.

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Notes

  1. Devotees and observers frequently use the term ‘cult’ (culto). I prefer ‘devotion’ while not referring to institutionalized forms of the phenomenon.

  2. The figure is only estimated and oscillates between five and ten million. Cf. Chesnut 2013: 20.

  3. The methodology adopted is hybrid, including the following: (i) the author’s own observations and fieldwork in Mexico City, (ii) a thorough examination of scholarly as well as primary sources and (iii) a comparative theological-epistemological approach.

  4. La Santa’s gender constitutes a little enigma by itself. The Spanish word muerte is feminine (like in other languages derived from Latin–cf. mors, and differently from Germanic ones–cf. German der Tod), however, as R. A. Chesnut points out, there exist male death deities in Argentina and Guatemala (Chesnut 2012: 18–19). Her appearance does not univocally entail the feminine gender (except in the case of the pregnant Santa). A possible reason might be the strong influence of the figure of the Virgin of Guadalupe, from which the gender would be ‘borrowed’ as well (cf. Michalik 2009: 2–3).

  5. For instance the effigy in Tepito (see below) is dressed with real clothes.

  6. Most of the symbols may be intuitively explained. Bow and arrows: far-reaching power; crown: majesty; globe: power over all living beings; halo: sainthood; hourglass: the passing of time; owl: connection between this world and the one beyond and wisdom; balancing scales: the death’s intrinsic justice or equity (it comes regardless of social status); scythe: the end of life (cf. the traditional representation of death as ‘grim reaper’); tunic: death’s ‘occultation’ in life (cf. the skeleton, ‘hidden’ under flesh and skin).

  7. Being familiar with the devotion’s iconography is essential to understand it (and enjoy its study). One can easily encounter photographic services in the Internet. I recommend two photographic books (including interviews with devotees and scholarly observations): Adeath and Kristensen 2007 and Reyes Ruiz 2010; the latter is notable for the pictures of tattoos.

  8. An important place of merchandising is mercado Sonora, Mexico DF.

  9. Symbolic correspondences are approximate, and established through the merchandisers’ creative initiative; most scholarly texts treated in the following sections include a discussion of the colours and powers, not always completely overlapping (cf. Perdigón Castañeda 2008a: 92–94; Chesnut 2012 passim; Lorusso 2013: 48–52). Candles with different colours and corresponding powers are used also in the devotion for Sarita Colonia in Peru (cf. Graziano 2007: 160).

  10. Altars and chapels are widespread in all of Mexico; researchers have recorded the existence of at least 300 altars (Reyes Ruiz 2011: 54). Perdigón Castañeda 2008a distinguishes between (i) domestic altars, (ii) initiates’ altars, (iii) curanderos’ altars and (iv) narco-altars (82–83).

  11. The most common one recites: ‘Chiquitibum a la bim bom ba, chiquitibum a la bim bom ba, a la bio, a la bao, a la bim bom ba, la Santa, la Santa, Rah rah rah’. This is a typical Mexican cheer. Basically nonsensical, it is differently transcribed and its exact origin is unclear, albeit it is known it was first used in sporting events; obviously, in other contexts the name of the person or the team to support and celebrate is mentioned instead of la Santa. Another popular cheer is ‘Se ve, se siente, ¡la Santa está presente!’ (‘One can see it, one can feel/hear it; the Saint is present!’).

  12. I do not examine specific rituals that have crystallized around altars or churches. However, it seems interesting to record three phases here of the Tepito rosary (see below): believers are encouraged at the end of each mystery to silently ask for specific favours (according to different areas of intervention); a pause is dedicated to the exhibition of the effigies of la Santa they are carrying; finally, the rosary includes a phase during which all join hands while those next to the shrine touch its glass so to form an ‘energy chain’. I attended the Tepito rosary on May 1, 2014, a mass at ISCAT (see below) on May 1, 2015, and two ceremonies at the International Temple in Tultitlán (see below), respectively, on January 25 and May 18, 2015. Of the last two, the first one was personally led by la madrina (the founder’s mother—see below), the second one by her through an amplified mobile phone.

  13. Cf. Flores Martos 2008, 73. Analogously, the devotion presents strong similarities and can be practiced along with, but should not be mixed up with, other popular ones typical or traditional in Mexico such as the Virgin of Guadalupe (cf. Mejía 2010), San Judas Tadeo, Niño Fidencio, Teresa Urrea (known as La Santa de Cabora), Jesús Malverde, and Juan Soldado (the last four ones being popular figures whose sainthood is not officially recognized by the Catholic Church–cf. Gil Olmos 2010: 153–182). The analogies with the Argentinian San La Muerte (cf. Perdigón Castañeda 2008a: 129–131) are also strong. However San La Muerte does have a hagiography: he was ‘a foreign Jesuit or Franciscan who dedicated his life to caring for sick and poor Guaranís until he was killed by jealous priests’ (Graziano 2007: 34; see also Graziano 2007 Chapter 1 pp. 77 ff.).

  14. Regarding manifestations in the U.S. see Gray 2007; Leovy 2009; Ramírez 2007; Saraswat 2013. Bunker 2013 is notable for some oversimplifications (published in the FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin) labelling the devotion, inter alia, as ‘dark spirituality’ and ‘ideology;’ a summary informs that ‘At the time of the writing of this article, the author [Robert J. Bunker, PhD] was serving as an instructor with the Los Angeles High Intensity Drug Trafficking Area.’ The present article is written precisely in the hope of contributing to the avoidance such oversimplifications as well as a condescending attitude towards the devotion.

  15. For more context about Tepito see Hernández Hernández 2011.

  16. Most scholarly works mentioned in the following section include a history and first-hand accounts of the altar in Tepito and interviews with doña Queta. Reyes Ruiz 2010 is entirely dedicated to it. See also Santana Hernández 2011a.

  17. It is unclear whether Romo’s intention from the very beginning was to use his church as a Trojan horse for the devotion or if he eventually ‘hijacked’ it. The church does not accept sacraments, Papal authority, sacerdotal celibacy, or Mary’s assumption and immaculate conception; it opposes abortion but not contraceptives (Lorusso 2013: 115–116).

  18. Two notable criminals whose connection with la Santa was emphasized by press articles were Daniel Arizmendi alias el Mochaorejas, ‘the Ear-cutter’ (arrested in 1998, who was allowed to carry an effigy in jail), and Gilberto García Mena alias El June (arrested in 2001); see Freese 2005.

  19. Other attempts at institutionalization are ongoing and even more volatile and difficult to reconstruct (as well as their mutual relations). We can mention at least the Altares Unidos de la Santa Muerte, offshoot of Romo’s church, led by Martín George Quijano (website: http://www.santisimamuerte.com.mx/martingeorge.html; see also Lorusso 2013: 117–118).

  20. However, believers are used to pointing out that she even took Christ (cf. Gaytán Alcalá 2008: 50).

  21. Quoted in Fragoso 2011: 169. For earlier references (1947–1949) see Thompson 1998: 422.

  22. Thompson recently recognized that ‘the distinction is more accidental and semantic than actual.’ Private communication via e-mail April 19, 2015.

  23. For reasons of space we cannot take into account unpublished academic dissertations. While these pages were first being written (summer 2014) the web page TESIUNAM listed eight Santa-Muerte related titles (2008–2013).

  24. I am also aware of a self-produced, short monograph: Bryant Holman 2007. The author, an independent researcher, passed away in 2009. Another self-published work is Kail 2010. The few pages I could access did not show much accuracy or depth.

  25. Perdigón Castañeda 2008b deepens the analogies and ‘symbiotic interaction’ between the tradition of dressing la Santa and that of dressing el Niño Dios.

  26. Page references are to the Spanish translation.

  27. An interesting exception: Michalik 2009 and Michalik 2011; albeit the results do not diverge much from other studies these articles adopt the language of semiotics.

  28. The thesis of a direct filiation from/subterranean survival of a pre-Hispanic cult seems to be circulating in academic circles as well (cf. Aguilar García 2007).

  29. Cf. Argyriadis 2014 (also notable for being based on fieldwork in Veracruz between 2004 and 2011).

  30. The concept of injustice is relative (‘It is unjust that my ambitions are frustrated’); this might explain, in psychological fashion, why the devotion has reached less endangered social strata including politicians and actors.

  31. Another semi-scholarly essay is Araujo Peña et al. undated.

  32. Among informative blogs we can mention at least Chesnut’s http://skeletonsaint.com/ and Lorusso’s one: http://santamuertepatrona.wordpress.com/

    Among devotional ones we can mention: http://santamuerte.galeon.com/

  33. For the presence of the devotion in the Internet see Perdigón Castañeda 2008a, b: 96–97, Chesnut 2012: 173; Lorusso 2013: 141–142.

  34. Cf. ‘La Santa Muerte was a skeleton wrapped in white, red and black clothes, representing its attributes: violent power, astute aggression, and cruel assassination’ (Aridjis 2003: 127).

  35. We can also mention three documentaries, Aridjis 2008; Guevara Fuentes 2011, and Valenzuela Arámburo 2013, as well as a movie, Del Toro 2007 (quite inclined towards the stigmatization of la Santa). Chesnut and Lorusso also mention Santa-Muerte-related music (Chesnut 2012: 176; Lorusso 2013: 65–68).

  36. Regarding the folk saints he has studied, Graziano states: ‘In the last analysis, a folk saint’s reputation for miracles is the only absolute factor in the growth or demise of a devotion. If the scores are high in the area of miracles, the rest tends to work itself out. New devotions constantly emerge, some endure and must disappear. Critical mass at one point does not guarantee longevity, and the popularity of saints rises and falls with perceptions of miraculousness’ (Graziano 2007: 48; cf. also 5, 12, 71, 127).

  37. Graziano mentions her en passant in his monograph and defines her ‘a variation of the Virgin Mary’ emphasizing the difference with San La Muerte (Graziano 2007: 78).

  38. For an overview of the concept of miracle within different religions and cults see the essays contained in Twelftree 2011.

  39. For an overview of theological and philosophical positions about miracles see Swinburne 1989.

  40. By virtue of its clarity, Thomas’ passage deserves to be quoted in full: ‘Ad tertium dicendum, quod circa ea quae Deus miraculose facit, talis solet adhiberi distinctio, quod quaedam dicantur fieri supra naturam, quaedam contra naturam, quaedam praeter naturam. Supra naturam quidem, in quantum in illum effectum quem Deus facit, natura nullo modo potest; quod quidem contingit dupliciter: vel quia ipsa forma inducta a Deo, omnino a natura induci non potest, sicut forma gloriae, quam inducet Deus corporibus electorum, et sicut etiam incarnatio verbi; vel quia etsi talem formam possit in aliquam materiam inducere, non tamen in istam: sicut ad causandum vitam natura potens est; sed quod in hoc mortuo natura vitam causet, hoc facere non potest. Contra naturam esse dicitur, quando in natura remanet contraria dispositio ad effectum quem Deus facit, sicut quando conservavit pueros illaesos in camino, remanente virtute comburendi in igne, et quando aqua Iordanis stetit, remanente gravitate in ea, et simile est quod virgo peperit. Praeter naturam autem dicitur Deus facere, quando producit effectum quem natura producere potest, illo tamen modo quo natura producere non potest, vel quia deficiunt instrumenta quibus natura operatur (sicut cum Christus convertit aquam in vinum, Ioan. II, 3–11, quod tamen natura aliquo modo facere potest, dum aqua in nutrimentum vitis assumpta, suo tempore in succum uvae per digestionem producitur), vel quia est in divino opere maior multitudo quam natura facere consuevit, sicut patet de ranis quae sunt productae in Aegypto; vel quantum ad tempus, sicut cum statim ad invocationem alicuius sancti aliquis curatur, quem natura non statim, sed successive, et alio tempore, non in isto curare posset: et sic accidit in miraculo inducto de socru Petri. Unde patet quod omnia huiusmodi, si accipiatur et modus et factum, facultatem naturae excedunt.’

  41. For a discussion of Humean concepts alongside an examination of Christian and Muslim narratives and interpretations see Bigliardi 2014.

  42. Besides conversations and interviews at shrines, my observations are based on the examination of the narratives reported in the empirical sections of the scholarly works touched upon here, as well as the section Doy gracias (‘I thank’) of several issues of Devoción a la Santa Muerte (5,13,15, 111, 119).

  43. Both interviews are recorded and available in the author’s archives to anybody who is interested. The hospital director preferred not to be mentioned with full details.

  44. I use ‘admissible’ in (3) and (4) because one might argue, especially in a polemical vein, that a miracle always represents an advantage for a witness, such as profit, popularity, or consolation.

  45. Cf. Chesnut 2012: 152.

  46. For instance: if someone who entertains an exclusively naturalistic worldview hears that a lost limb grew again overnight she can just reject the truth of such claim as hallucination/deception or fraud/lie. However, that someone’s business improved or that a lover returned are acceptable occurrences for her, even if she discards their ascription to a supernatural agency.

  47. Let me further elaborate on this delicate and subtle point. It should be noted that Thomas’ category of preternatural can be best and most clearly applied to events exclusively falling, as far as their typology is concerned, within the realm of nature, such as recovering from an illness or the end of a tempest. In fact the perception and definition of preternatural is further based on the concept of time or, better said, on an implicit comparison of times (how long the phenomenon would take to manifest itself under normal circumstances vs. how much time it actually took). When someone witnesses that kind of event the character of ‘extraordinary rapidity’ can be determined with some objectivity (for instance, recovering from fever in a few days is normal whereas a few seconds looks more like a miracle). However, in the case of the more mundane events usually ascribed to la Santa (i.e. complex events not only involving natural phenomena but also complex relationships among human beings) the attribution of rapidity is far more subjective and volatile: for instance, how ‘rapid’ can it be said that one has found a job? (I refer of course to the process of looking for a job and finally finding it, not to the time interacting between the request to la Santa for a job and the actual success –Thomas indeed does not define rapidity by the interval between praying for something and obtaining it; and of course, if someone has recurred to la Santa for that kind of favour it means that the amount of time elapsed was already such that it proved quite frustrating and exasperating i.e. subjectively long; analogous observations hold for favours such as finding a good lawyer, getting rid of an addiction, getting a lover back, and so on). However, the deeds for which la Santa is usually thanked, as I stated, are not necessarily and constantly described as extraordinarily rapid, nor does the category of rapidity always apply to the kind of event in question (an accident or robbery from which one is saved can be rapid, but the very fact of being saved from them cannot be ‘rapid’ or ‘slow’—either one survives or not, either one gets robbed or not). In conclusion, the decisive point that defies Thomas’ concept of preternatural is not only that the devotees don’t explicitly refer to rapidity, but that la Santa seems to mainly operate in fields where preternatural rapidity does not properly apply (and the very attribution of ‘natural’ is questionable since they entail complex human interactions).

  48. Graziano does use the expression ‘miracle (s)’ in his monograph, but his observations deeply resonate with mine. I have already quoted the passage in which he emphasizes the importance of miracles for a devotion’s success. As to their nature, he writes: ‘Horrors, pains, and hardships can be reinterpreted in a positive light, can become meaningful, and can even be viewed as miracles in themselves. Instead of complaining that there is nothing to eat but bread, devotees say that their saint makes sure that they always have food on the table, even if it is only bread. Miracle is a question of perception’ (Graziano 2007: 46). ‘“Favours” [referring to such deeds] (…) is perhaps more accurate, at least when “miracle” is understood as an extraordinary divine intervention in human affairs. Requests for folk saint miracles mostly concern health, work, love, and family, but they can encompass almost anything and often include protection against the dangers and difficulties of everyday life. Whatever any human being might want or need is likely to appear on the wish list’ (Graziano 2007: 53). ‘Most miracles actually involve more cooperation with the medical profession than these stories might suggest. Devotees request of folk saints that the medical tests come back negative, that the procedures be successful, or that the radiation destroy all the cancer. The miracles, that is to say, evidence a collaboration between folk saints and medical professionals. Science works because faith intervenes. (…) One may suffer severe injury during accidents –this is the norm- but miraculous intervention saves one’s life. (…) I was often struck by the too little, too late quality of miracles.’ (Graziano 2007: 55–56).

  49. http://dem.colmex.mx/

  50. Cf. Graziano 2007: 57 and 171.

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Acknowledgments

Nunca hubiera escrito este artículo, expresión de mi profundo interés en el México contemporáneo, sin la ayuda y las sugerencias de David Byström, Fabrizio Lorusso, John Thompson, Frank Graziano, Andrew Chesnut, Piotr Grzegorz Michalik, Andrea Mutolo, Giuditta Cavalletti, Mathilda Cavalletti Mutolo, Manuel Alejandro Jiménez Guerrero, Enriqueta Romero Romero, Enriqueta Vargas Ortiz, Enrica Gualtieri, Elena Mazzetto, Paolo Mossetti, Walter Calzato, Gabriela Sánchez Hernández, Hermana V., Carolina Beltrán Arvizu. Dedicado con mucho cariño a mis alumnas y alumnos tanto de preparatoria como de nivel profesional del ITESM-CSF, 2014-2015; y a mis estimadas y estimados colegas, especialmente a las y los del salón de profesores de preparatoria.

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  1. FIIRD - Foundation for Interreligious and Intercultural Research and Dialogue, University of Geneva, Geneva, Switzerland

    Stefano Bigliardi

  2. Tecnológico de Monterrey, CSF, Mexico City, Mexico

    Stefano Bigliardi

  3. Center for Middle Eastern Studies, CMES, Lund University, Lund, Sweden

    Stefano Bigliardi

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Bigliardi, S. La Santa Muerte and Her Interventions in Human Affairs: a Theological Discussion. SOPHIA 55, 303–323 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11841-015-0494-9

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