Abstract
Using an original microeconomic database with information for around 200,000 individuals, this paper creates new estimates of internal migrations in Spain in a key moment of its economic history. Our analysis shows that internal migrations were not a linear process including both periods of stagnation and also rapid growth, and that the 1850s were a decade of surprising high mobility in the absence of modern transportation. We also conclude that the rise in mobility was geographically asymmetrical with traditional urban centres losing ground against the rise of Madrid and Barcelona. The modernisation of the country also had significant social impacts with the migratory gender gap being significantly reduced prior to 1870. An analysis of the determinants of internal migrations suggests that traditional push and pull factors described by the literature in the early twentieth century seem to be also behind the early migrations of the mid-nineteenth century. The modernisation of the country provided new opportunities in urban areas that, combined with falling transport and information costs, created the perfect conditions for the ‘democratisation’ of long-distance migrations.
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Notes
At regional and local-level, Catalonia has been one of the most studied regions with studies like Fabré (1991), Camps (1992, 1995), Recaño Valverde et al. (1996), Llonch (1996), Marfany (2001) and Ros Navarro (2003). Florencio and López Martínez (2000) studied internal migrations in Andalusia as did Florencio Puntas and López Martínez (2000) focusing on temporary emigrants. Other papers include the seminal work by Reher (1990) in Cuenca, Sarasua (1994b) for emigrants from Cantabria to Madrid, Dubert (1998) in Galicia, Pallol Trigueros et al. (2010) for Madrid or Collantes Gutierrez (2001) in mountainous regions.
He concluded that the latter could be consequence of using individual-level data to capture the effect of location-level factors like distance and the stock of migrants.
A list with the location of the sources for each location is presented in the online appendix.
The 1877 census identified immigration as those inhabitants who were born in a different province.
We must take into account that the records of the first civil registry that are used in this paper finish in 1870, and that for some locations, the closest available dates are in the late 1860s.
The percentages of internal migrants estimated by the census for Barcelona and Seville males were 43 and 30%, respectively, exactly the same values that we obtained using marriage records. In the case of females, the census estimated 41 and 23%, respectively, and our calculations using marriage records were 43 and 19%.
In the case of Igualada, using the information provided by Marfany (2001) from the local recounts, we estimated that the average distance from the places of origin of the migrants was around 23 kilometres, while our estimations using marriage records yield 22 kilometres.
For example, if the records indicated that the migrant arrived from Extremadura, we gave 0.5 migrants to each one of its two provinces, Cáceres and Badajoz.
The percentage of international migrants that we estimate in our sample was 0.84% for women and 0.90% for men. They were mainly located in Madrid, Barcelona, Seville and Zaragoza that represented 71% of international female migrants and 72% of international male migrants.
There were many cases when the marriage records provided the province of origin but not the municipality, not being able to distinguish locals from migrants who arrived from short distances within the province.
Instead of total population, we interpolated female and male populations for each benchmark and location to obtain migration estimates by gender that were later aggregated to obtain the national average.
The existence of growth poles draining resources from the rest of the country is a usual feature at the time in industrialising peripheral economies like Eriksson et al. also show in the case of Sweden and its main three cities (Eriksson et al. 2016:5).
The maps with the provincial origins of migrants in the eight cities are available in the online appendix.
We should take into account that some large recipients of domestic migrants like Cadiz are not included in our sample because the marriage records only survived for some years in the 1860s. From the available marriage records in 1865, we estimated that Cadiz had a stock of around 26,000 immigrants from a different province, a figure that would put it close to Seville and Valencia.
As explained before in the text, our sample does not include some key destinations that were important in their regions like Cadiz or Bilbao, due to the disappearance or practically incomplete existence of the civil registry of marriages. We believe that if they could be included some of the provinces around them that in our sample, choose Madrid as main destination would have chosen them instead. In any case, we also believe that the pre-eminence of Madrid as major destination would not change, as Silvestre (2005a:168) proved that was the case in 1877.
The scale has been used to support the validity of different estimators of social prestige in the past like HISCAM, showing indeed a very high correlation between both indexes (Lambert et al. 2013, p. 86).
The low levels of intergenerational socio-economic mobility observed during this period in Spain, especially in the lowest social classes, implies that the profession of the father is a very good proxy of the one the son would have achieved if he had not migrated (Santiago-Caballero 2018). In the case of the average SIOPS score in the destination, they are indeed the ones observed for the domestic migrants in each location and therefore more representative than an average wage of a specific sector.
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Acknowledgements
Financial support from the project “Los orígenes de la desigualdad regional en España, 1840–2015” funded by Fundación Ramón Areces is acknowledged. I am grateful for the comments received by the participants at the 4th Annual Meeting of the Danish Society for Economic and Social History in Sonderborg, Denmark and the III Congress for Economic and Social History in Regensburg, Germany. I would like to thank the collaboration of the members of the Economic History Department at the LSE in this project, the research assistance and support from Alejandro Fernández-Roldán Díaz, and finally, the insightful comments and suggestions from two anonymous referees and editor Claude Diebolt. All errors and conclusions are entirely mine.
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Santiago-Caballero, C. Domestic migrations in Spain during its first industrialisation, 1840s–1870s. Cliometrica 15, 535–563 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11698-020-00213-2
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11698-020-00213-2