In today’s digital era, problematic internet use (PIU) has emerged as a significant mental health issue (Spada, 2014). Several longitudinal studies have found that PIU is predictive of various psychopathologies, such as anxiety, depressive symptoms, psychological distress, and loneliness, among youth and emerging adults (Anderson et al., 2017). As these symptoms are associated with risky behavioral outcomes, including suicide ideation and problematic substance use, public health interest has grown in examining PIU as a potential social determinant of long-term health disparities (Moreno et al., 2011).

Despite the numerous studies demonstrating the positive association between PIU and mental health issues, research on mediating factors (e.g., social comparison, violence exposure, etc.) that can explain how PIU is linked to mental health issues is scant. Of note, scholars have emphasized the need to examine culturally-relevant implications of PIU that are contextualized across major demographic factors, such as race and gender, to understand the relationship between PIU and mental health issues among diverse populations (Baloglu et al., 2020). Identifying culturally relevant intermediary factors is crucial to advance the development of relevant interventions. Therefore, it is essential to investigate culturally-relevant factors (e.g., identity-related experiences such as exposure to online racial violence and race-based cyberaggression) that may mediate the relationship between PIU and mental health issues. This approach can inform the development of interventions that are tailored to specific cultural contexts, potentially improving their effectiveness. Moreover, a better understanding of the mediating factors can contribute to the development of effective prevention and intervention strategies aimed at reducing the negative impacts of PIU on mental health.

Specifically, the impact of problematic internet use (PIU) on the mental health of racially minoritized emerging adults in the United States (U.S.) may be explained in part by online racism, a culturally relevant factor unique to the online experience. A systematic review of the past ten years of research on online racial hate suggests that this is a pervasive societal issue that requires further examination from the perspective of racially minoritized emerging adults and the consequences they experience (Bliuc et al., 2018). Racially minoritized emerging adults are disproportionately exposed to direct and vicarious online racial victimization, such as receiving racist comments and memes, and traumatic exposure to racially violent content (Keum & Miller, 2017, 2018; Tynes et al., 2018). It is plausible that racially minoritized emerging adults who use the internet excessively and preoccupy themselves with it have a greater probability of encountering online racism. Indeed, racially minoritized emerging adults, such as Black and Hispanic individuals, use social media at higher rates than any other groups in the U.S. (Auxier & Anderson, 2021). Thus, we examined whether PIU is associated with greater mental health issues (anxiety, depressive symptoms, loneliness) through perceived online racism among a sample of racially minoritized emerging adults in the U.S.

PIU and Mental Health

Numerous studies have examined the positive association between PIU and symptoms of depression, anxiety, and loneliness (Anderson et al., 2017; Carli et al., 2013; Ho et al., 2014; Liu et al., 2011). PIU is characterized by excessive preoccupation or lack of control over internet use, leading to impairments in personal, occupational, and social domains of life (Baloğlu et al., 2020). Studies examining the relationship between PIU and depression and anxiety use have been conducted in countries such as China, South Korea, Norway, and Turkey (Carli et al., 2013; Ho et al., 2014). In the U.S., a growing number of studies have reported significant associations between PIU and depression among youth populations in eastern regions of the U.S. (Li et al., 2019; Liu et al., 2011; Restrepo et al., 2020). A systematic review involving a mix of adolescent, young adult, and general population samples showed that significant correlations were found for PIU and depression and anxiety, with depression showing stronger associations (Carli et al., 2013). Similarly, loneliness has also been found to have moderate associations with PIU among both U.S. and non-U.S. samples (Moretta & Buodo, 2020; Saadati et al., 2021). One mediation study found that loneliness increased social anxiety, which then increased PIU among a sample of adolescents in Singapore (Huan et al., 2014). Collectively, the evidence on mental health costs of PIU is consistently evident across multiple samples and countries.

The cognitive behavioral model of PIU (Davis, 2001) provides a framework for understanding the link between PIU and depression, anxiety, and loneliness. This model suggests that PIU develops due to a combination of underlying psychopathology, access to the internet or internet-related technologies, and maladaptive cognitions that are endorsed when accessing the internet (e.g., “I am a failure when I am offline” and “the internet is the only place I am respected”). PIU is then maintained through the reinforcement that occurs online and continued maladaptive cognitions. The model also posits that poor social skills can precipitate PIU, as individuals seek low-risk social interactions online, leading to further negative outcomes as individuals continue to isolate themselves socially and neglect offline activities (Kim et al., 2009). Given this conceptualization, the relationship between PIU and loneliness is thought to be dynamic and bidirectional (Moretta & Buodo, 2020). While the Davis (2001) model has been widely used to explain PIU, researchers have identified several limitations in previous studies including the need to control for potentially confounding variables such as comorbid conditions (Moretta & Buodo, 2020) and mediating factors that could explain the relationship between PIU and mental health issues (Huan et al., 2014).

Notably, recent studies suggest a reason to examine factors that could help illuminate the association between PIU and mental health outcomes among racially minoritized emerging adults in the U.S. given the discrepancies in their report of mental health costs compared to White individuals. Although studies on PIU are limited in the U.S. context, Liu and colleagues (2011) found a significant association between PIU and substance use, depression, and aggression among a sample of high school youth (80% Caucasian sample), however this finding was more apparent among Asian (vs. non-Asian) and Latinx (vs. non-Latinx) students. One potential factor that could help contextualize this disparity among racially minoritized emerging adults in the U.S. are culture-relevant online stressors such as online racism. Research has highlighted the importance of examining how multiple forms of discrimination, such as online bullying and racial discrimination, can intersect and impact mental health outcomes among racially minoritized emerging adults in the U.S. For instance, Weinstein and colleagues (2021) found that cyberbullying was associated with experiencing racial discrimination online among racial-ethnic youth. In fact, they found that more time spent online was associated with various forms of victimization suggesting that as individuals immerse and preoccupy themselves more in the online world, they may be subject to increased encounters with oppressive interactions and content. Thus, the current study extends the cognitive and behavioral model of PIU to consider racially minoritized emerging adults’ exposure to direct and vicarious online racial victimization and traumatic exposure to racially violent content.

PIU and Online Racism

Increasing evidence highlights the role of online racism as a culturally-relevant online stressor that can explain the relationship between PIU and mental health outcomes among racially minoritized emerging adults (Keum & Miller, 2018; Keum & Ahn, 2021; Keum & Li, 2022). The enduring presence of online racism is considered especially harmful compared to experiences of offline racism, as racial victimization and racially violent content (e.g., racist comments, insults, and death threats) tend to be more blatant due to online anonymity (Keum & Miller, 2018). Additionally, given the lack of moderation and ease of proliferation, online racism can lead to repeated exposures where racist content maintains a certain permanence on the Internet (i.e., not enough resources/ability to remove all racist content online; Keum & Miller, 2017; 2018). Moreover, the racist realities in society are further illuminated through the plethora of information and content that demonstrate the many ways in which racism is institutionalized through policies and practices that systematically disadvantage racially minoritized individuals (e.g., voter suppression, residential segregation, discriminatory lending practices; Braveman et al., 2022). Given the ubiquity of online racism in the digital age (Bliuc et al., 2018; Keum & Miller, 2017; 2018; Tynes et al., 2018), racially minoritized individuals with higher levels of PIU may be more likely to experience online racism and face greater exposure to racist content, which can significantly impact their mental health.

Recent research has shown that online racism is associated with numerous mental health issues among racially minoritized emerging adults, such as depressive symptoms, anxiety symptoms, psychological distress, and loneliness (Keum & Cano, 2023; Keum & Li, 2022). For instance, Keum and Cano (2023) found that online racism is a risk factor for alcohol-related problems among Black, Latina/o/x, and Asian emerging adults. The depressive and anxiety symptoms associated with online racism were found to increase alcohol use severity. Furthermore, previous research suggests that repeated exposure to racist online content can be considered a form of racial trauma, exacerbating the risk for depressive and anxiety symptoms through behavioral and social adaptations such as numbing, hypervigilance, and social avoidance (Carter, 2007). Indeed, Keum and Li (2022) found that online racism is significantly associated with psychological distress, loneliness, and alcohol use severity through rumination and vigilance. In particular, greater exposure to racist content online may increase rumination and vigilance about potential racial discrimination in offline social environments, resulting in greater distress, loneliness, and alcohol use to cope with the stress of racism and racial violence. Emerging research has also examined the linkages between online racism and fatalistic behavioral outcomes such as suicide ideation and problematic alcohol use (Keum, 2023; Keum & Cano, 2023). Given the potential for PIU to lead to increased exposure to online racism, it is essential to examine online racism as a potential mediator in the relationship between PIU and mental health outcomes.

The Present Study

Drawing from our literature review, it is crucial to examine the relationship between PIU, online racism, and mental health outcomes among racially minoritized emerging adults. PIU may increase the risk of exposure to online racism, a systemic form of digital oppression against racially minoritized groups, which has been associated with negative mental health costs. Thus, to explore the potential downstream mental health consequences of PIU through online racism, we conducted a mediation analysis. We examined whether PIU would be indirectly related to negative mental health outcomes (depressive symptoms, anxiety symptoms, and loneliness) through online racism. Below were our hypotheses:

Hypothesis 1

Greater PIU will be significantly associated with greater depressive symptoms, anxiety symptoms, and loneliness.

Hypothesis 2

PIU will be significantly associated with depressive symptoms, anxiety symptoms, and loneliness via online racism. Greater PIU → greater online racism → greater depressive symptoms, anxiety symptoms, and loneliness.

Participants

A non-probability sample of 338 racially minoritized emerging adults (Mage = 23.28, SD = 2.38) provided data for this study. The sample was predominantly female (56.5%) and included participants from various racial backgrounds, with the largest representation being Latinx (34.9%), followed by Black (32.0%), and Asian (28.4%). The majority of participants were U.S.-born (84.9%). Regarding education level and employment status, most participants had completed high school (21.3%), some college (21.6%), or had a bachelor’s degree (28.1%). Three-fourths of the participants reported being employed, either full-time (50.3%) or part-time (25%). On average, participants reported spending 8.43 (SD = 5.05) hours online per day.

Procedure

The Institutional Review Board at the primary author’s institution granted ethical approval for the study. The research was advertised as an investigation into online racial experiences and recruitment notices were distributed on social media platforms and groups (e.g., Facebook, Reddit, Twitter) specifically aimed at racially minoritized individuals. Eligible participants who consented to participate were directed to a Qualtrics online survey containing items on study variables, demographic characteristics, and two attention check questions (e.g., “Please choose sometimes”). Informed consent was obtained from all participants. Inclusion criteria were: (a) aged 18 years or older, (b) self-identified as a racial minority, and (c) currently residing in the United States. The survey took approximately 15 to 20 min to complete, and participants had the option to enter a raffle for a $50 Amazon gift card.

Measures

Problematic Internet Use (PIU)

To assess problematic internet use (PIU), the short-form of the Problematic Internet Use Questionnaire (PIUQ-9; Koronczai et al., 2011) was utilized in this study. The PIUQ-9 is an adapted version of the longer 18-item self-report survey that is designed to measure issues related to excessive internet use and identify key components of internet addiction (Demetrovics et al., 2008). The PIUQ-9 consists of three subscales. The first factor, called the Obsession subscale, pertains to the psychological fixation with the internet (e.g., “How often do you feel tense, irritated, or stressed if you cannot use the internet for several days?“). The second factor, called the Neglect subscale, refers to the failure to attend to one’s everyday obligations (e.g., work, school, family) or self-care responsibilities, such as eating (e.g., “How often do you spend time online when you would rather sleep?“). The third factor, called the Control Disorder subscale, refers to an individual’s subjective sense of problematic and excessive internet use as well as their failure to reduce the amount of time they spend on the internet (e.g., “Do you ever wish to decrease the amount of time spent online but fail to do so?“). Participants rated each question on a five-point Likert-type scale, ranging from 1 (Never) to 5 (Always), with higher scores indicating greater PIU. The PIUQ-9 has good whole-scale reliability for adult (> 0.84) and adolescent (> 0.87) samples, as reported by Koronczai et al. (2011). The validity and measurement invariance of the PIUQ-9 has been supported for racially minoritized emerging adults (Kelley & Gruber, 2010). Cronbach’s alpha for the current sample was 0.90.

Perceived Online Racism

The Perceived Online Racism Scale-Short Form (PORS-SF), a 15-item measure, was used to evaluate participants’ perceptions of racist online interactions and exposure to racist content (Keum, 2021). The PORS-SF is a validated shortened version of the original 30-item PORS, retaining its three-factor structure. The subscales include the Personal Experience of Racial Cyber-Aggression subscale (five items; e.g., “I have received posts with racist comments”), Vicarious Exposure to Racial Cyber-Aggression subscale (five items; e.g., “I have seen other racial/minority users being treated like a second-class citizen”), and Online-Mediated Exposure to Racist Reality subscale (five items; e.g., “I have been informed about a viral/trending racist event happening elsewhere [e.g., in a different location]”). Responses to each item were rated on a five-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (Never) to 5 (All the time). The total scale score was utilized to assess participants’ collective experiences of online racism, with higher scores indicating a greater frequency of online racism experiences. Cronbach’s alpha for the current sample was 0.95.

Depressive Symptoms

To assess provisional depressive disorder diagnoses and the severity of depressive symptoms, we utilized the Patient Health Questionnaire-9 (PHQ-9; Kroenke and Spitzer, 2002). The PHQ-9 is a 9-item questionnaire that asks participants about the frequency with which they have experienced various depressive symptoms over the past two weeks (e.g., “feeling down, depressed, or hopeless?” “thoughts that you would be better off dead, or thoughts of hurting yourself in some way?”). Participants rate each item on a 4-point Likert-type scale (0 = not at all to 3 = nearly every day). The total scores range from 0 to 27, with higher scores indicating more severe depressive symptomatology. Validity and measurement invariance of the PHQ-9 with racially minoritized emerging adults have been supported (Keum et al., 2018). Cronbach’s alpha for the current sample was 0.93.

Anxiety Symptoms

To assess symptoms of generalized anxiety disorder based on DSM criteria, we employed the Generalized Anxiety Disorder Screener (GAD-7; Spitzer et al., 2006). Participants were asked to recall the frequency with which they have experienced various symptoms of anxiety over the past two weeks (e.g., “trouble relaxing,” “feeling nervous, anxious, or on edge”). Each of the seven items in the screener was rated on a 4-point Likert scale (0 = not at all to 3 = nearly every day), and the total score, ranging from 0 to 21, reflects the severity of anxiety symptoms experienced by participants. Sriken et al. (2022) have reported evidence for measurement invariance and validity of the GAD-7 among college students from diverse racial backgrounds. Cronbach’s alpha for the current sample was 0.93.

Loneliness

To assess perceived loneliness, we utilized the Three Item Loneliness Scale (Hughes et al., 2004), a shortened version of the Revised UCLA Loneliness Scale (R-UCLA; Russell et al., 1980) designed to examine self-perceived isolation, relational connectedness, and social connectedness. Participants rated each of the three items using a Likert-type scale, where 1 = hardly ever, 2 = some of the time, and 3 = often (e.g., “How often do you feel isolated from others?” “How often do you feel left out?” “How often do you feel that you lack companionship?”). An average score across the three items was computed, with higher scores indicating greater loneliness. According to Hughes and colleagues (2004), scores from the Three Item Loneliness Scale are highly correlated with scores on the original R-UCLA scale (r = .82, p < .011). Moreover, Vaterlaus (2022) provided evidence for the validity and measurement invariance of the Three Item Loneliness Scale with racially minoritized emerging adults. Cronbach’s alpha for the current sample was 0.83.

Offline Racism

The Everyday Discrimination Scale (EDS) was utilized to measure the frequency of mistreatment experienced by participants in their daily lives over the past 12 months (Williams et al., 1997). The EDS comprises nine items, with a 6-point Likert-type response format (1 = never, 6 = almost every day), and higher scores indicating a greater perception of discrimination. The items include: “You are treated with less respect than other people are,“ “People act as if they are afraid of you,“ and “You are threatened or harassed.“ Among racially minoritized emerging adults, the EDS has demonstrated good internal consistency (> 0.88) and validity evidence for the items (Kim et al., 2014). Cronbach’s alpha for the current sample was 0.94.

Data Analysis

Our data did not contain any missing values. Mardia’s multivariate skewness and kurtosis test (skewness = 1968.83, z = 133552.47, p < .001; kurtosis = 5878.51, z = 131.71, p < .001) suggested nonconformity to the multivariate normality assumption (Cain et al., 2017). Thus, we utilized maximum likelihood estimation with robust standard errors to address this issue in our analyses.

We employed path analysis in Mplus 8.7 (Muthén & Muthén, 2017) to test our hypothesized serial mediation model (Fig. 1). We specified problematic internet use (PIUQ) as the predictor, perceived online racism (PORS) as the mediator, and depressive symptoms (PHQ-9), anxiety symptoms (GAD-7), and loneliness as the outcome variables. To account for potential confounding effects, we controlled for age and gender, which have been shown to impact perceived levels of online racism (Keum & Miller, 2017). We also controlled for offline racism (EDS) as we were interested in examining the unique impact of online racism that is distinct from offline racism. We evaluated the model fit using the Yuan-Bentler (YB) scaled χ² test and several approximate fit indices (Hu & Bentler, 1999): (a) the root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA; close to < 0.08 for “acceptable” fit); (b) the comparative fit index and Tucker-Lewis fit index (CFI; close to 0.95 for “good” fit); and (c) the standardized root mean square residual (SRMR; close to < 0.08 for “acceptable” fit). To examine specific path coefficients and indirect (i.e., mediation) effects, we followed best practices (Hayes & Scharkow, 2013) and adopted the bootstrap method using 5,000 random samples. We used 95% Confidence Intervals (CI) to assess the statistical significance of the mediation effects where CIs excluding 0 were deemed equivalent to p < .05.

Fig. 1
figure 1

Standardized Path Estimates for the Hypothesized Path Model. Note. ***p < .001

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Results

Table 1 presents bivariate correlations, internal reliability estimates, and descriptive statistics for the measures used in the study. Cronbach’s alphas for all measures were adequate. PIUQ-9 and PORS-SF were positively correlated with moderate effect, and both were correlated at small to moderate effect with the outcome variables.

Table 1 Descriptive Statistics and Bivariate Correlations of Study Variables
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Path Analysis

The hypothesized path model yielded a good fit, RMSEA = 0.060 [0.013, 0.104]; CFI = 0.99; TLI = 0.96; SRMR = 0.044. Figure 1 lists the completely standardized path coefficients and Table 2 lists the total direct, total indirect, and specific indirect effects. PIUQ significantly predicted PHQ-9, (β = 0.341, 95% bootstrapped CI = [0.225, 0.457]). The total effect of the model was decomposed into a significant direct effect (β = 0.236, 95% bootstrapped CI = [0.129, 0.342]) and a significant indirect effect through PORS (standardized total indirect effect β = 0.105, 95% bootstrapped CI = [0.022, 0.188]) that explained 31% of the total effect. Likewise, PIUQ significantly predicted GAD-7, (β = 0.304, 95% bootstrapped CI = [0.189, 0.420]). The total effect of the model was decomposed into a significant direct effect (β = 0.222, 95% bootstrapped CI = [0.113, 0.331]) and a significant indirect effect through PORS (standardized total indirect effect β = 0.082, 95% bootstrapped CI = [0.004, 0.160]) that explained 27% of the total effect. Finally, PIUQ significantly predicted loneliness, (β = 0.240, 95% bootstrapped CI = [0.111, 0.369]). The total effect of the model was decomposed into a significant direct effect (β = 0.135, 95% bootstrapped CI = [0.017, 0.252]) and a significant indirect effect through PORS (standardized total indirect effect β = 0.105, 95% bootstrapped CI = [0.020, 0.190]) that explained 44% of the total effect. The model accounted for 39%, 36%, and 22% of the variance in PHQ-9, GAD-7, and loneliness, respectively.

Table 2 Estimate of Indirect Effects from Bootstrap Analysis
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Discussion

Research has consistently shown that PIU is linked to a range of mental health problems, such as depression, anxiety, and loneliness (Kamolthip et al., 2022). However, there is a dearth of research examining culturally-relevant factors that may help to explain this link. This gap is particularly concerning for racially minoritized youth and emerging adults who have higher rates of social media and internet use than their White counterparts (Auxier & Anderson, 2021) and who are more likely to encounter race-based cyberaggression and content on racial violence. Therefore, our study aimed to investigate whether there was a relationship between PIU and depressive symptoms, anxiety, and loneliness among racially minoritized emerging adults through online racism, a culturally-relevant online stressor. As expected, our results revealed a significant positive direct association between PIU with depressive symptoms, anxiety, and loneliness, as well as a significant indirect association, indicating that PIU was positively related to perceived online racism, which, in turn, was linked to higher levels of depressive symptoms, anxiety, and loneliness. Our findings highlight online racism as a form of digital inequality that could have a disproportionate impact on the mental health of racially minoritized emerging adults with PIU tendencies.

This study makes a unique contribution to the existing literature by examining the relationship between PIU and mental health symptoms, specifically depression, anxiety, and loneliness, as an outcome. As mentioned by Anderson et al. (2017), previous research has primarily focused on mental health symptoms as a precursor or predictor for PIU. This is also specified in the cognitive behavioral model of PIU (Davis, 2001), which emphasizes underlying psychopathology contributing to the development of PIU. However, the current study extends this model by highlighting the psychosocial consequences of PIU. Our results indicate that PIU significantly predicts depression symptoms, anxiety, and loneliness among racially minoritized emerging adults. While the cognitive behavioral model of PIU provides valuable insights into the cognitive-behavioral manifestations of PIU (e.g., thinking about using the internet while offline, anticipating using the internet, socially isolating oneself, feeling guilt about internet use), it does not fully account for the factors that contribute to depressive symptoms, anxiety, and loneliness. Therefore, our study underscores the need for a more comprehensive understanding of the mechanisms underlying the association between PIU and mental health outcomes.

Our study employs an innovative theoretical approach that integrates racial trauma theory and the cognitive behavioral model of PIU, making a significant contribution to the literature on the association between PIU and mental health outcomes among racially minoritized emerging adults. We demonstrate that online racism, a culturally-relevant online stressor, serves as a critical mediating factor that exacerbates inequities in the digital experience. Our findings shed light on how racially minoritized emerging adults, who are susceptible to developing PIU, may turn to online platforms to cope with the stressors of racism, inadvertently exposing themselves to more racist comments and content. (Wolfers & Utz, 2022). This exposure, which can be magnified by vicarious racism experiences and collective racial trauma (e.g., viral images/videos of police killings and hate crimes against racially minoritized individuals), can have serious implications for their mental health. The lack of content moderation further perpetuates these experiences, making them persistent and difficult to escape (Keum & Miller, 2018). These findings highlight the urgent need for interventions that target both PIU and online racism to mitigate mental health disparities among racially minoritized emerging adults.

Drawing on the concept of racial trauma, we conceptualize experiencing online racism as an emotional injury and chronic stress that requires coping and adaptation (Carter, 2007). According to Carter (2007), failure to cope with online racism may lead to emotional distress, hypervigilance, low self-worth, distrust, and avoidance, as demonstrated by our participants who reported greater symptoms of depression, anxiety, and loneliness. The comorbidity of these symptoms is alarming as they are known to be associated with fatalistic and risky behavioral outcomes such as problematic substance use and suicide ideation (Lim et al., 2020). In particular, loneliness is a public health concern among emerging adults and is found to be correlated with social media use (Yang & Robinson, 2018). Collectively, our findings help integrate and extend the PIU and racial trauma frameworks and demonstrate how online racism may disproportionately and negatively impact the mental health of racially minoritized individuals engaged in PIU.

Limitations

Although our study made several novel contributions to the literature, there are also noteworthy limitations that should be acknowledged. First, our study design was cross-sectional, which means we were not able to determine the temporal sequence of our hypothesis. Future studies should collect longitudinal data to further verify our findings. In doing so, studies can further engage in theory building around the interplay between PIUQ and online racism. For instance, beyond our mediation approach, it is possible that either PIUQ or online racism may act as a moderator in their respective relationships with mental health outcomes. Second, the generalizability of our results is limited to racially minoritized emerging adults in the U.S. Future studies should examine whether our findings are replicated in samples from other countries and cultural contexts. Third, we examined generalized PIU features, which prevented us from identifying specific online behaviors that may put racially minoritized emerging adults at greater risk of exposure to online racism. Future studies could assess more nuanced facets of online behavior, such as types of social media platforms, the purpose of social media use, and active or passive use, to contextualize the link between PIU and online racism and the source of online racism. Lastly, our study used self-report surveys, which relied on participants’ subjective interpretation of their PIU and online racism experiences. Future studies could incorporate objective assessments of PIU using data from smartphones and wearable devices and examine exposure to online racism by analyzing social media data participants encounter.

Implications for Research, Intervention and Policy

Our study’s findings highlight the need for future research and intervention and policy development to address the negative impact of online racism on racially minoritized emerging adults who are at increased risk of exposure due to their PIU. From a developmental perspective, it is crucial to understand how online racism can impede affirmative and healthy identity formation, including racial identity development, and lead to negative psychosocial outcomes such as substance abuse, suicide ideation, and internalizing behaviors. According to research on emerging adulthood, identity exploration is common among emerging adults and identity formation, which commences in adolescence is thought to extend into the emerging adulthood developmental period (Arnett, 2014). As emerging adulthood is a crucial developmental period for identity exploration and formation (Arnett, 2014), especially for racially minoritized youth who experience racial socialization and reflection, repeated exposure to online racism can have lasting and harmful effects (Priest et al., 2014; Umaña-Taylor, 2014; Keum & Li, 2022).

For instance, Chan (2017) found that social media plays a role in shaping racial identity and making meaning of race for college students of color, facilitating both racial identity expressions through a sense of belonging with others and negative feelings of marginalization and rejection from exposure to racist content. Thus, future research could test the formation of racially affirming online social communities that could buffer the harms of online racism. In addition, research on African American emerging adults suggests that racial/ethnic identity may offer protective benefits against risky behaviors such as anxiety, depression, and substance use outcomes (Byer-Tyre et al., 2022). Therefore, future studies on PIU and online racism with racially minoritized emerging adults should also consider the protective factors of racial/ethnic identity (Rivas-Drake et al., 2022).

The study’s results have significant implications for clinicians working with racially minoritized emerging adults who exhibit PIU. These implications particularly concern the assessment and monitoring of internet use as a coping strategy. Clinicians should assess both underlying mental health issues and experiences of online racism, which can provide them with additional information about factors that influence racially minoritized emerging adults’ PIU and risk of experiencing symptoms of depression, anxiety, and loneliness. Clinicians should also be aware that racially minoritized emerging adults may find themselves in a negative feedback loop related to coping with mental health outcomes such as depression, anxiety, and loneliness. This cycle involves engaging in PIU to cope with negative emotions, which exposes them to more online racism, leading to further depression, anxiety, and loneliness. To understand this cycle, clinicians should integrate a racial trauma perspective into their practice, which can help them reframe these reactions as a manifestation of emotional injury sustained in the context of everyday internet use and broader structural racism, rather than a personal deficit.

The findings of this study underscore the importance of examining the ways in which structural racism manifests online and call for continued efforts to address this issue through policy interventions. To achieve this, it is necessary to critically analyze the various forms of structural racism that exist online, as well as the policies and practices that sustain them. One promising framework for this analysis is the conceptual model developed by Volpe et al. (2021), which outlines potential mechanisms through which structural racism may contribute to health disparities. The authors emphasize the role of technology policies and practices, which are shaped by a range of actors including government, corporate, and private sector entities, in maintaining structural racism online. To fully understand the impact of technology-related policies on the relationship between PIU, online racism, and mental health outcomes, it is crucial to conduct further research mapping out these complex dynamics.

Conclusion

To gain a deeper understanding of the mental health consequences of PIU among racially minoritized individuals, it is crucial to investigate culturally and digitally-relevant factors that can clarify the link between PIU and mental health outcomes. This study employed a mediation analysis to investigate whether PIU indirectly affected negative mental health outcomes (e.g., depressive symptoms, anxiety symptoms, and loneliness) through online racism. Our results indicate that PIU was associated with increased perceived online racism, which in turn was linked to greater depressive symptoms, anxiety, and loneliness. This finding suggests that online racism may be conceptualized as a digital inequality that disproportionately increases the risk of developing mental health problems among racially minoritized emerging adults with PIU. Thus, it is essential to conduct further research to explore how these findings relate to identity formation and to develop interventions and policies that can help reduce the risks associated with experiencing online racism among racially minoritized emerging adults with PIU.