Abstract
Research on the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in collective action predicts they will not interact with grassroots groups, citing partnerships with corporations and states, the apolitical delivery of social services and accountability towards donors as disconnecting professionalized actors from volunteer-based grassroots groups. Using interviews with core activists in the movement confronting Canadian resource extraction abroad, I depart from this approach by investigating the mechanisms, or threads, that bind organizations into coordinated action. I find that NGOs and grassroots groups coordinate as a result of: shared values and environmental justice frames; the allocation of resources; and engagement in complimentary forms of advocacy driven by a division of labour and a diversity of tactics. My research develops existing approaches to theorizing coordinated action and invites scholarship on NGOization to include the conceptual toolkit provided by social movement theories to better account for NGO–grassroots dynamics.
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Notes
This research has an explicit focus on NGOs emerging from, or with some historic connection to, social movements. Therefore, I preclude an analysis of NGOs that occupy a position in civil society disconnected from movements entirely (including NGOs serving purely technical or economic functions).
My use of mechanisms follows the approach formulated by Hedström (2005: 14), which defines mechanisms as “…the real empirical entities and activities that bring about a phenomena”. The three threads I identify in this research (common values and frames, resource pooling and complimentary forms of advocacy) are all activities that participants engage into coordinate actions. I use threads as a synonym for mechanisms because of its symbolic function in illustrating movement webs.
On one hand, coordinated action occurs when two or more organizations engage in “mutual signaling and [the] parallel making of claims on the same object” (Tilly and Tarrow 2015: 31). Brokerage (connecting previously unconnected sites) and diffusion (spreading tactics, issues and frames) are said to contribute to coordinated action (Tilly and Tarrow 2015). My use of coordinated action departs from this approach, considering how (for example), the diversity of tactics and division of labour—rather than diffusion—drives coordination. On the other hand, modes of coordination refer “…to the relational processes through which resources are allocated within a certain collectivity, decisions are taken, collective representations elaborated, and feelings of solidarity and mutual obligation forged” (Diani 2015a: 13, 14). Diani (2015a: 17–24) identifies and describes four modes of coordination: organizational, social movement, coalitional and subcultural or communitarian modes of coordination. I adopt coordinated action over modes of coordination (Diani 2015a) because this research is concerned with coordination is general, as opposed to distinguishing between different types of coordination. My qualitative research design is also not suitable for this endeavour, since the modes of coordination approach takes a structural and quantitative approach.
Foundations provide grants for specific campaigns initiated by non-profits/NGOs. Non-profits and NGOs are used interchangeably in the USA, but non-profit is preferred (for more on this, see Lang 2013: 11). The primary foundation examined in Kohl-Arenas’ (2014: 483) research is the Max L. Rosenberg Foundation, which channelled resources into “regional non-profit organizations” such as the American Friend’s Service Committee (AFSC) to fund educational projects in the movement. One such project is PSYCON, which was designed to reduce tensions between “Anglo grower and Latino worker children” (Kohl-Arenas 2014: 491).
A SMO is a formal organization “which identifies its goals with the preferences of a social movement or a countermovement and attempts to implement those goals” (McCarthy and Zald 1977: 1218). Although most SMOs are NGOs, not every NGO is or may be considered a SMO (Jalali 2013). Social movements may contain both SMOs and NGOs.
Collective action frames refer to “action-oriented sets of beliefs and meanings that inspire and legitimate the activities and campaigns of a SMO” (Benford and Snow 2000: 614).
Contentious politics refer to coordinated efforts of claim making by one group (typically actors within civil society) against the interests of another group (Tilly and Tarrow 2015). The contentious politics model proposes that movements first emerge when political “…threats are experienced and opportunities are perceived” and crystallize when opponents tap into networks and organizations to construct collective action frames, collective identities and adopt familiar tactics to make claims (see Tarrow 2011: 33).
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Acknowledgements
This research was supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (Grant No. 766-2013-0199). An earlier version of this manuscript was presented at the 2017 Annual Conference of the American Sociological Association (ASA) in Montreal, Canada, and the 2016 Annual Conference of the Canadian Sociological Association (CSA) in Calgary, Canada. I would like to thank Jacqueline Kennelly for her guidance during the research process and feedback on initial drafts of this article. I would also like to thank Amin Ghaziani for providing extensive feedback. Finally, I would like to thank the reviewers whose insights and commentary benefitted the final article.
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Chewinski, M. Coordinating Action: NGOs and Grassroots Groups Challenging Canadian Resource Extraction Abroad. Voluntas 30, 356–368 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11266-018-0023-x
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11266-018-0023-x