Abstract
This paper is a contribution to the ongoing discussion concerning factors determining the development of civil society in a post-state socialist context. It examines the financial mechanisms designed to promote civic engagement in Poland, including EU grants and the so-called ‘percentage law’ that allows citizens to support NGOs of their choice with 1 % of their taxes. A detailed analysis of these mechanisms demonstrates that they are advantageous for some types of non-governmental organizations and not for others. Instead of enhancing the situation of the whole sector, they tend to support NGOs that already have substantial resources and hold a strong position vis-à-vis the state. Moreover, organizations and groups fighting for issues considered to be controversial—such as women’s NGOs advocating for the right to abortion or criticizing authorities for their lack of concern when it comes to violence against women—have limited chances to gain financial support from both the state and those sources that are independent from the state. This shows how seemingly gender-neutral institutional arrangements may bring gendered results. The following analysis is based on available statistics (several reports provided by the Klon-Jawor Association, Social Diagnosis Reports from 2007 and 2011) and qualitative data (semi-structured interviews and discourse analysis of the Polish media).
Résumé
Cet article contribue au débat en cours au sujet des facteurs qui déterminent le développement de la société civile dans le contexte des états post-socialistes. Nous examinons les mécanismes financiers conçus pour promouvoir l’engagement civique en Pologne, parmi lesquels les subventions de l’Union Européenne et la loi dite du pourcentage qui autorise les citoyens à assigner un pour cent de leurs impôts à l’ONG de leur choix. L’analyse détaillée de ces mécanismes démontre qu’ils sont avantageux pour certains types d’organisations non gouvernementales et non pour d’autres. Au lieu d’améliorer la situation du secteur dans son ensemble, ils tendent à soutenir les ONG qui ont déjà des ressources substantielles et maintiennent une position de force vis-à-vis de l’état. De plus, les organisations et les groupes qui luttent sur des sujets réputés controversés - telles que les ONG de femmes qui défendent le droit à l’avortement ou critiquent les autorités pour leur manque d’intérêt pour les violences faites aux femmes - ont peu de chance d’obtenir un soutien financier à la fois de l’État et de ces sources qui sont indépendantes de l’État. Ceci montre comment des arrangements institutionnels qui peuvent sembler neutres du point de vue du genre, peuvent avoir des résultats déterminés par le genre. L’analyse suivante est fondée sur des statistiques disponibles (plusieurs rapports fournis par l’Association Klon-Jawor, les Rapports de diagnostic social de 2007 à 2011) et des données qualitatives (des entretiens semi-structurés et une analyse discursive des médias polonais).
Zusammenfassung
Diese Abhandlung dient als ein Beitrag zu der anhaltenden Diskussion über die Faktoren, die die Entwicklung einer Bürgergesellschaft in einem post-staatlichen sozialistischen Kontext bestimmen. Es werden die zur Förderung des Bürgerengagements in Polen konzipierten finanziellen Mechanismen untersucht, einschließlich EU-Subventionen und des sogenannten „Prozent-Gesetzes“, das es Bürgern ermöglicht, nicht-staatliche Organisationen ihrer Wahl mit einem Prozent ihrer Steuerzahlungen zu unterstützen. Eine ausführliche Analyse dieser Mechanismen zeigt, dass sie nur für einige Arten nicht-staatlicher Organisationen Vorteile bringen. Statt die Situation des gesamten Sektors zu verbessern, dienen sie vielmehr nicht-staatlichen Organisationen, die bereits über wesentliche Ressourcen verfügen und eine solide Stellung gegenüber dem Staat einnehmen. Darüber hinaus haben Organisationen und Gruppen, die für kontroverse Themen eintreten - z. B. nicht-staatliche Frauenorganisationen, die sich für das Recht auf Abtreibung einsetzen oder Kritik an den Behörden aufgrund deren mangelnder Beachtung des Themas Gewalt gegenüber Frauen üben - nur beschränkte Möglichkeiten, finanzielle Unterstützung sowohl vom Staat als auch von staatlich unabhängigen Quellen zu erhalten. Hier wird deutlich, wie scheinbar geschlechtsneutrale institutionelle Regelungen zu geschlechtsspezifischen Ergebnissen führen können. Die nachfolgende Analyse basiert auf verfügbaren Statistiken (mehrere Berichte des Klon-Jawor Verbands, Berichte zur sozialen Diagnostik von 2007 und 2011) sowie qualitativen Daten (semi-strukturierte Befragungen und eine Diskursanalyse der polnischen Medien).
Resumen
El presente documento es una contribución al debate en curso sobre los factores que determinan el desarrollo de la sociedad civil en el contexto de un post estado socialista. Examina los mecanismos financieros diseñados para promover el compromiso cívico en Polonia, incluidas las subvenciones de la UE y la denominada “ley porcentual” que permite a los ciudadanos apoyar a las ONG de su elección con el 1 por ciento de sus impuestos. Un análisis detallado de estos mecanismos demuestra que son ventajosos para algunos tipos de organizaciones no gubernamentales y no para otras. En lugar de mejorar la situación de todo el sector, tienden a apoyar a las ONG que ya tienen recursos sustanciales y mantienen una posición fuerte frente al estado. Asimismo, las organizaciones y grupos que luchan por cuestiones que se consideran controvertidas, tales como las ONG de mujeres que abogan por el derecho al aborto o que critican a las autoridades por su falta de preocupación cuando se trata de violencia contra las mujeres – tienen posibilidades limitadas de obtener apoyo financiero tanto del estado como de aquellas fuentes que son independientes del estado. Esto muestra cómo acuerdos institucionales aparentemente neutrales en cuanto al género pueden traer resultados de género. El siguiente análisis se basa en las estadísticas disponibles (varios informes proporcionados por la Asociación Klon-Jawor, Informes de Diagnóstico Social de 2007 y 2011) y datos cualitativos (entrevistas semiestructuradas y análisis del discurso de los medios de comunicación polacos).
摘要
本论文是对确定后社会主义背景的公民社会发展持续讨论的贡献。其中调查了设计用于促进波兰公民参与的财务机制,包括EU拨款和所谓的“百分率法则”,允许居民以1 %的税收支持选定非政府组织。这些机制的详细分析显示它们对一些类型的非政府组织而不是其他组织有利。与增强整个领域不同的是,它们趋向于为已经拥有大量资源,并在直面政府时处于强势位置的非政府组织提供支持。此外,为争议性问题斗争的组织和群体 – 如主张堕胎权利或批评对妇女施暴缺少关注的妇女非政府组织 – 很少有机会同时从政府和政府之外的其他来源获得支持。这显示了性别中立制度安排看似会带来性别化结果。以下分析基于可用统计数据(Klon-Jawor协会提供的几个报告,2007年至2011年的社会诊断报告)和量化数据(波兰媒体的半结构化访问和话语分析)。
Arabic
هذا البحث هو مساهمة في المناقشة الجارية بشأن العوامل التي تحدد تطور المجتمع المدني في سياق ما بعد الدولة الإشتراكية. فإنه يفحص الآليات المالية التي تم تصميمها لتعزيز المشاركة المدنية في بولندا، بما في ذلك مساعدات الإتحاد الأوروبي و ما يسمى ‘قانون النسب المئوية’ الذي يسمح للمواطنين دعم المنظمات الغير حكومية(NGOs) التي يختارونها مع 1 في المئة من الضرائب المستحقة عليهم. تحليل تفصيلي لهذه الآليات يشرح أن هناك فوائد لبعض أنواع المنظمات الغير حكومية وليس للآخرين. بدلا˝ من تعزيز وضع القطاع كله، فإنها تميل إلى دعم المنظمات الغير حكومية(NGOs) التي لديها بالفعل موارد أساسية و لديها موقف قوي وجها˝ لوجه مع الدولة. علاوة على ذلك، المنظمات والجماعات تقاتل لمشاكل تعتبر مثيرة للجدل - مثل المنظمات الغير حكومية(NGOs)النسائية التي تدعوا إلى الحق في الإجهاض أو إنتقاد للسلطات لعدم اهتمامهم عندما يتعلق الأمر بالعنف ضد المرأة - لديها فرص محدودة للحصول على دعم مالي من الدولة على حد سواء وتلك المصادر التي تكون مستقلة عن الدولة. هذا يدل على أن الترتيبات المؤسسية التي فيما يبدو محايدة لنوع الجنس قد تأتي بنتائج على أساس نوع الجنس. التحليل التالي يستند على الإحصاءات المتوفرة (عدة تقارير قدمت من قبل جمعية(Jawor- Klon)، تقارير التشخيص الاجتماعي من عام 2007 و 2011) والبيانات النوعية (مقابلات شبه منظمة وتحليل مناقشات وسائل الإعلام البولندية).
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Notes
In the present text, the terms ‘civil society,’ ‘the third sector,’ or ‘the non-governmental sector’ are used interchangeably in their most general sense. ‘Civil society’ refers to a sphere that is not clearly separated from but rather interconnected with the family, state, and market where people associate and cooperate in order to advance common interests (Lane 2010). I acknowledge that the definition of civil society and its operationalization has been the subject of ongoing discussion and that the meaning and role of civil society within a given context change over time (e.g., Lane 2010, p. 311). In the present text, however, I decided to follow the somewhat simplified stance of the authors of the Civil Society Index who point out that members of civil society should be defined according to what they do rather than who they are, e.g., what legal status they have (Gumkowska et al. 2006). Moreover, since the mechanisms I analyze apply to organizations (only foundations and associations can apply for grants and 1 % of taxes) the present analysis focuses mostly on organized forms of social activism.
I use the term ‘women’s organization’ as defined by Fuszara et al. (2008) who underline that main criteria concern the mission and goals of an organization; thus, women’s organizations are oriented toward gender equality and the enhancement of women’s status. This is not to say that women’s organizations are homogeneous or that there exists such a thing as a standardized ‘women’s organization.’ This study rather includes particular types of entities focusing on women’s issues and led by women, both formal and informal. During meetings the interviewees were asked a number of questions, concerning mostly issues such as goals and activities, cooperation with other groups and authorities, funding arrangements and their views on EU accession.
The list of panelists invited to the discussion includes Dariusz Gawin (historian), Anna Giza-Poleszczuk (sociologist), Agnieszka Graff (anglicist and writer), Ireneusz Krzemiński (sociologist), and Andrzej Rychard (sociologist). The moderator was Aleksander Smolar (Batory Foundation). A Polish transcription is available at: http://www.batory.org.pl/ accessed 1 February 2011.
This number reflects the narrow definition of the non-governmental sector and only includes foundations and associations. If we include other social organizations the size of the whole non-governmental sector could double (Gumkowska et al. 2006; Zagała 2008). According to the data from 2004, there were 14,000 fire brigades, over 3,000 grassroots organizations (parent–teacher associations, hunt clubs, and public committees), 17,113 trade unions, over 15,000 units of the catholic church, other churches, and religious associations, and 5,515 organizations concerned with economic and professional self-government.
In order to assure the anonymity of the participants I ascribed each interview a unique number.
The Ministry of Labor and Social Policy introduced a division between members and volunteers: ‘Persons who decide to form or join an association as its members have to assume that they provide services for its benefit; therefore they are not volunteers, as defined according to the Public Benefit and Volunteer Work Act.’ http://www.pozytek.gov.pl/FAQ,632.html.
The Act on Public Benefit and Volunteer Work from 2003 (with an amendment from 2010) regulates many important issues concerning the functioning of the third sector. It established the Public Benefit Works Council, an advisory and supportive body, which—together with the Department of Public Benefit at the Ministry of Social Policy—contributes to the formulation of tax provisions, expresses opinions about the government’s plans concerning the non-governmental sector, and facilitates cooperation between NGOs and the government (Gumkowska et al. 2006, p. 49).
In order to apply organizations have to fulfill the following criteria: they must be registered in the National Court Register and have a REGON number; they must work on behalf of the public good and not for profit; they must function in a transparent fashion (be controlled by an outside body, which cannot be the same as the managing body, have a statute limiting the ways assets can be disposed of, and prepare an annual report on their activities and finances submitted to the Ministry for Social Policy).
Organizations are divided according to so-called ‘public tasks.’ A ‘public task’ can be described as, e.g., ‘helping the homeless’ or ‘support cultural events.’ In art. 4 of the Public Benefit and Volunteer Work Act, twenty-four selected public tasks are listed covering a wide range of social issues, including the promotion of gender equality and protecting women’s rights (task no. 8). According to the register, as of September 2010 there are 230 Polish NGOs that deal with this particular area. A closer look at the organizations listed as fulfilling task no. 8 reveals that many of them focus on issues other than gender equality. The register includes, e.g., the Polish Association of Deaf People, the Foundation for Disabled Mathematicians and IT Specialists, and a substantial number of Catholic charities. Judging from information available on internet sites and reports submitted by the abovementioned organizations, they undertake no activities that are directed toward women and gender equality specifically. As a matter of fact, the majority of the 230 foundations and associations consist of charities helping the poor or disabled in general, and less than 30 focus their activities on women.
The poll was conducted in 2009 using Computer-Assisted Telephone Interviews (CATI) and included opinions of representatives of 400 Polish non-governmental organizations with public benefit status. The report in Polish was accessed 1 February 2011: http://www.forumdarczyncow.pl/docs/download/wplyw_statusu_opp_na_dzialalnosc_organizacji_20_10_10_prezentacja.pdf.
One of the participants of the conference ‘What kind of public good results from 1 percent?’ Maciej Grabowski—the representative of the Ministry of Finance—stressed that the tax money that was being transferred was in fact public money and should not be confused with individual donations. Yet, the data he provides suggest that the 1 % law largely did replace individual donations: in the year 2003, individual donations amounted to over 600 million zlotys and income from the 1 % law amounted to 10 million zlotys. In 2009 the latter rose to 357 million zlotys while the former dropped to 207 million zlotys. The logical conclusion is that many taxpayers have cut down on donations.
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Research for this article was supported by grant (421-2010-1706) from the Swedish Research Council.
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Korolczuk, E. Promoting Civil Society in Contemporary Poland: Gendered Results of Institutional Changes. Voluntas 25, 949–967 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11266-013-9388-z
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11266-013-9388-z