Abstract
Teachers’ beliefs and awareness regarding immigration policy is an area of research that has been largely unexplored in the broader discussion of socio-political consciousness and critical social studies education. This study is based on a multi-methods methodology, particularly a partially mixed sequential equal status design (Leech and Onwuegbuzie in Qual Quant 43(2):265–275, 2009). The quantitative portion of this study is based on a survey conducted in 2017 among K-12 teachers nationwide (n = 5190) and a nested sample of 200 Southern Social Studies teachers. (McCorkle in The awareness and attitudes of teachers towards educational restrictions for immigrant students. Doctoral dissertation, Clemson University, 2018a). The qualitative sample is a content analysis from an examination of South Carolina social studies textbooks (n = 8). The quantitative analysis revealed a concerning pattern of unawareness of immigration policy among many teachers as well as a strong relationship between embrace of false immigration narratives and exclusionary attitudes towards immigrant students. The analysis of the textbooks showed little in the formal curriculum that would problematize false immigration narratives and instead demonstrated a tendency to bolster these narratives. The results reveal a need of teacher education programs and additional professional development to help critique these “common-sense” (mis)understandings about immigration that are factually incorrect and help contribute to the larger patterns of xenophobia in the society.
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Notes
The Southern region was based on the region defined as the South in the U.S. Census. It includes the states of Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, Virginia, West Virginia, Maryland, Delaware, Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, and Oklahoma.
In her ethnographic research about race relations and Latinx racial formation in Winston-Salem, North Carolina, Jones (2019) shares a somewhat similar anecdote of a teacher calling ICE, rather than school security, for a disruptive student. Perhaps more innocuous, yet still problematic, Verma et al. (2017) and Dillard (2018) point out how minor behaviour incidents can place undocumented students into contact with the criminal justice system and into the school to deportation pipeline.
Generally speaking, our use of awareness is rooted in teacher’s (lack of) understanding of the specific and local socio-political contexts, and its resulting material effects, (undocumented) immigrant students find themselves in. Unless stated specifically, this means teacher understanding of (macro and micro) immigrant rights, (past and present) immigration policy, and the lived realities of their (undocumented) immigrant students.
There is emerging research that offers a spatial, rather than singularly temporal, understanding of Latinx growth in the U.S. South. Such work not only troubles “exotic” narratives of spontaneity and novelty, but also shows longer histories of Latinx connection to the region (Monreal, forthcoming; Guerrero 2017; Weise 2015).
We do not mean to suggest that the categories immigrant and teacher are mutually exclusive. Rather, we point to the fact that we still have a teaching force in the United States that is overwhelmingly white, middle class, and born in the United States.
To quote Foucault (1984), “Nothing is fundamental. That is what is interesting in the analysis of society…There are only reciprocal relations, and the perpetual gaps between intentions in relation to one another” (p. 247).
The four questions were: 1. States can prohibit undocumented/illegal immigrants from receiving in-state tuition at public colleges and universities. 2. States can prohibit undocumented/illegal immigrants from studying at public colleges and universities. 3. Undocumented/Illegal Immigrants are prohibited from receiving Federal Financial Aid for education. 4. Most states prohibit undocumented/illegal immigrants from receiving state scholarships and grants.
The Cronbach Alpha numbers are derived from the reliability analysis of the original nationwide survey data comprised of teachers from all grades/subject areas.
All congressional districts and the District of Columbia were listed by population density, then every second and fourth districts were selected for a total of 109 districts. Wright et al. (2015) argue that this sampling based on congressional districts population density ensures that the “the districts were geographically dispersed, but also that they encompassed a range of settings including rural, urban central city, suburban, and small-town location” (p. 193).
We do not state this to make an argument about teacher training and credentialing. For example, Conklin (2010) found that generalist-trained teachers held higher expectations and conceptions regarding the intellectual abilities of middle school (social studies) students.
On a scale of 6–42 with 6 being the most exclusionary response and 42 being the most inclusive.
Also telling is the move to compare African migration to that of pioneers. This is striking because it (perhaps unintentionally) compares the ancient movement of people with the colonial and imperialist migrations of United States (white) “pioneers”.
Current United States immigration policy is heavily slanted toward family-based categories. Still, the federal immigration act only reserves 226,000 slots each year for immigrants under such categories. For example, the U.S. has a numerical limit of 23,400 green cards reserved for unmarried children age 21 or older of U.S. citizens. Further, given “numerical caps and per-country caps on certain green-card categories, there are significant waits for some categories…For example, as of April 2019, the wait for U.S. citizens to sponsor adult, unmarried children was more than seven years for most parts of the world, but was 12 years for relatives from the Philippines—and more than 21 years for those from Mexico” (Gelatt 2019).
Although not the focus of this paper, it is clear, once again, that such textbook language also erases the presence of native and indigenous groups in the region.
This quote is taken directly from proposed bill H.4022 (05-06), The South Carolina Taxpayer and Citizen Protection Act, in South Carolina. For more examples of how policy discourse works to create undeserving immigrant subjects see Rodriguez and Monreal (2017).
“We are all immigrants” is often seen as a more progressive way of discussing the American “melting pot,” but ignores indigenous peoples, enslaved peoples, and those in which the border crossed them.
The executive branch has a high level of discretion in determining the numerical ceiling for refugee admissions each year in addition to directives for asylum claims (American Immigration Council 2016).
One need not look farther than recent comments by Ken Cuccinelli, the acting director of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, who twisted the famous words on the Statue of Liberty stating, "Give me your tired and your poor who can stand on their own two feet and who will not become a public charge" (Ingber and Martin 2019, emphasis ours).
As Popkewitz (1998) explains, “the words are not as much words in a dictionary but given meaning through the relations in which they are embedded as knowing, thinking, ‘seeing,’ and acting on the objects of schooling” (p. 97).
Although we do not know of any substantial efforts such as these in South Carolina, Bajaj et al. (2017) article outlining a socio-politically relevant pedagogy (SPRP) offers insights and examples of a school that centers the economic and political dimensions of undocumented and newcomer youth.
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Monreal, T., McCorkle, W. Social Studies Teachers’ Attitudes and Beliefs About Immigration and the Formal Curriculum in the United States South: A Multi-Methods Study. Urban Rev 53, 1–42 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11256-020-00561-3
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11256-020-00561-3