Abstract
A growing body of work argues that we should reform problematic emotions like anxiety, anger, and shame: doing this will allow us to better harness the contributions that these emotions can make to our agency and wellbeing. But feminist philosophers worry that prescriptions to correct these inappropriate emotions will only further marginalize women, minorities, and other members of subordinated groups. While much in these debates turns on empirical questions about how we can change problematic emotion norms for the better, to date, little has been done by either side to assess how we might do this, much less in ways that are responsive to the feminists’ worries. Drawing on research in cognitive science, this paper argues that though the feminists’ worries are real, the leading proposals for remedying them are inadequate. It then develops an alternative strategy for reshaping problematic emotion norms—one that’s sensitive to the feminists’ concerns.
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Notes
See, for instance, Shoemaker 2018; Kauppinen 2018; Kurth 2018a, 2018b; Nussbaum 2013; Bell 2013; Pettigrove 2012; Mason 2010; Manion 2002; and Kekes 1996. As will become clearer below, there is significant diversity in both the emotions that these advocates for emotional reform discuss and the corrections they call for.
Some feminist see emotions as social constructions (e.g., Jaggar 1989; Fricker 1991), though not all do (e.g., Spelman 1989). Constructivism is a controversial theory of emotion and, for our purposes, assessing its merits is not a project we need to take up—for the marginalization worries that follow are largely independent of questions regarding the metaphysics of emotion. For concerns about constructivist accounts, see Kurth 2019.
Witness Alison Jaggar: “Whatever our sex, we are likely to feel contempt for women” (1989: 165). Also, Cherry 2018.
While the focus has been on negative emotions, Miranda Fricker’s discussion of humor (1991: 17) shows that this worry has broader scope.
There’s a complication here that I will note, and then set aside. In these debates, the emotions in question are often presented as essentially moral emotions or as having distinctly moral forms (e.g., Srinivasan 2018, Shoemaker 2018, Kurth 2015, Manion 2002). In these cases, the distinction between fitting and morally appropriate emotions collapses—though the ambiguity, and so the need to distinguish between fitting/morally appropriate emotions and prudentially appropriate ones, remains. There are, of course, important questions about whether there are—in fact—essentially moral emotions and how to cleave the moral versions in a principled manner. But those are issues for another time.
See Calhoun 2004 and Thomason 2018 for versions of this worry that are substantiated by, e.g., the autobiographical accounts of individuals who have experienced this type of targeting. Also see Harbin 2016 for a similar discussion and defense of the targeting experienced when a marginalized individual experiences inappropriate anxiety.
As we will see below (§ 4), these affronts to one’s epistemic standing (and the harms from prescriptions for reform more generally) can be magnified in situations where the targets of the prescriptions lack the conceptual resources to identify or understand the harm done. This is what Fricker (2007) calls hermeneutical injustice.
The term “emotional fragility” comes from Liebow & Glazer 2019.
Of course having narrow scope is not, in itself, a problem for the burden shifting proposal. Rather, the observation that it does not generalize is a reflection of the largely siloed manner in which discussions of marginalization worries have taken place in the literature. Thus, it points to the need for a comprehensive examination of the sort developed here.
Advocates of the burden shifting approach acknowledge the intensity of fragility cases: Liebow and Glazer, for instance, note that “white fragility can trigger strong feelings of anger, frustration, disgust, guilt, aggression, loathing, or hostility” (Liebow & Glazer 2019: 3, emphasis added).
It’s worth noting that neither Srinivasan nor Nussbaum’s main focus is on developing a strategy for correcting emotion norms—Srinivasan’s core aim is to articulate the harm done by certain prescriptions for reform; Nussbaum’s focus is on changing laws and legal practices. Given this, they (understandably) say comparatively little about their less costly proposals.
Our ability to pick up on norms governing behavior appears to start happening very early—and quickly—in our development. For instance, infants as young as 12 months demonstrate the ability to adopt a specific ‘role’ (e.g., the collector of the toys) after seeing another person play the role just once (Ross & Lollis 1987).
Though the point in the text is a general one, the issue is likely to be particularly pronounced with regard to emotions. As Alison Jaggar (1989) notes, the prevailing (and so typically internalized, recall § 1 above) emotion norms counsel men to ignore their emotions, often with the result that they have a stunted understanding of what they feel and how these feelings affect their thoughts and actions. This opacity is also a central theme in Fricker’s (2008) discussion of hermeneutical injustice.
By way of an illustrative analogy, consider implicit bias: multiple overlapping and internalized norms about how to interact with members of a particular minority can be engaged by the various associations salient in a given situation. The combined effect that having this set of norms engaged will have for one’s behavior will tend to be stronger than what we would have if just one of the norms was engaged (Blair et al. 2002); so, other things equal, these sets of overlapping internalized norms will tend to bring biased behavior and they will tend to do so even if the individual also avows a norm directing her to act in an unbiased way when interacting with members of that group (Huebner 2016; Kelly, forthcoming).
Two points. First, though male anger is an undeniable driver of violence, VAW is a complex problem with multiple causes. See Htun & Weldon 2012: 549–550 for discussion. Second, one might worry that the norms at issue in VAW are too different from the problematic emotion norms we’ve been looking at to offer much insight—in particular, the former concern norms governing the anger of members of the dominant group, while the latter concern norms regarding (e.g.) the anger of subordinated individuals. While the relevance of the VAW norms will become apparent below, here we can note that in both cases we are looking at ways to change internalized norms that tend to bring harm and abuse (thanks to an anonymous referee for encouraging me to be clearer on this point).
The impetus for this paper lies in a set of worries that Anna Gotlib raised during the Author Meets Critics session held on my book, The Anxious Mind, at the 2020 APA Central Meeting. Many thanks to her for inspiring the paper and thanks as well to Dan Kelly (another Critic at the APA session) for some hints as to where a solution to these worries might be found. In writing this paper, I have benefited from a grant from the Faculty Research and Creative Activities Award at Western Michigan University, as well as the work of two graduate research assistants: Marshall Peterson and Olivia Moskot. Many thanks to them as well as to two anonymous referees for very valuable feedback and to Juliette Vazard, Heidi Maibom, and Maria Waggoner for their helpful input on the manuscript.
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Kurth, C. Inappropriate emotions, marginalization, and feeling better. Synthese 200, 155 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11229-022-03619-9
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11229-022-03619-9