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Objectification and vision: how images shape our early visual processes

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Abstract

Objectification involves treating someone (a subject) as a thing (an object). The role of images in perpetuating objectification has been discussed by feminist philosophers. However, the precise effect that images have on an individual's visual system is seldom explored. Kathleen Stock’s work is an exception—she describes certain images of women as causing viewers to develop an objectifying ‘gestalt’ which is then projected onto real-life women. However, she doesn’t specify the level of visual processing at which objectification occurs. In this paper, I propose that images can affect a viewer's early visual system. I will argue that if a viewer is exposed to a lot of images that depict women as sexual objects, this will bias their early visual selection mechanisms in a way that can result in an objectifying way of seeing. This is an important contribution to work on objectification as it incorporates empirical studies on vision and findings from philosophy of mind. It also examines some of the epistemic and moral consequences of objectification occurring at this early visual stage.

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  1. I will define ‘early visual processes’ as processes that occur in V1 (the primary visual cortex), early in the feed-forward process (which involves projection from lower-level neurons in V1 to higher level neurons). This includes the selection of visual content and other visual processing that is largely automatic and modular. Edge detection is a paradigmatic example of an early visual process.

  2. In this paper I will focus exclusively on images that treat women as sexual objects. However, my account generalises to images that treat other groups in a way that denies their subjectivity, such as racial minorities and people of other genders.

  3. Nussbaum (1995) does not spend much time on images, Papadaki (2010) does not mention images, similarly for Haslanger (2012), Eaton (2012) and Langton (1993). Stock (2018) and Eaton (2012) are exceptions to this.

  4. Mackinnon and Dworkin (1988), and Langton (1993) who follows their definition, define pornography as sexually explicit material. Although the images I am speaking about have sexualised content, they are not sexually explicit. They would not therefore be considered pornography by this definition.

  5. Nussbaum (1995), Vadas (1987) and Bartky (1990) also do not distinguish between visual and linguistic representations.

  6. For the purpose of this paper, I will assume that an image can depict a type (i.e. ‘women’) not just tokens, I will also assume an experiential account of depiction, which explains depiction in terms of the kind of experience an image causes in a viewer (Gombrich 1960; Wollheim 1987; Newall 2011).

  7. Eaton (2012) speaks about the foregrounding of erogenous zones as characteristic of the female nude in canonical art. These features are also often seen in contemporary advertisements.

  8. Such as seeing women-as-animals and other metaphorical perceptions.

  9. Based on data collected from a sample of local Chicago TV news between 1993 and 1994, news stories related to crime involving black people were also four times more likely to include mug shots than news stories related to crime involving white people (Entman and Rojecki 2000).

  10. There are other interesting features of images that I have left out, such as the context in which the image portrays the subject/object, its size and brightness, and the mood the image evokes, all of which will probably have some impact on what I am speaking about here. However, that is a topic for another paper.

  11. Plakoyiannaki et al. (2008) collected data on female role stereotypes in online advertising. They took a sample of online adverts and classified them into eight different categories, some of which were gender-biased and others neutral. The two most frequent categories were women concerned with physical attractiveness and women as sex objects.

  12. Another possibility that would make priors more likely to come into play is if viewing conditions are not ideal—e.g. if the woman’s face is poorly lit, or partially occluded.

  13. These implications about correction and responsibility are only relevant to the form of objectification that I am discussing (i.e. objectifying-input selection). Objectification can occur in many ways and through many vectors, such via cognitive processing. These different forms of objectification will have different implications about correction and responsibility. For instance, objectification that is more on the cognitive side will (most likely) have greater scope for correction and attribute greater moral responsibility or blameworthiness to the objectifier. I take no position on whether the implications for correction and responsibility given by objectifying-input selection affect those same implications for other forms of objectification.

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Correspondence to Alice Roberts.

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This paper is based on my MPhil thesis, which I am very grateful to Rae Langton for supervising and providing me with invaluable feedback and ideas. I am also grateful to Eric Mandelbaum, Oliver Holdsworth, and three anonymous reviewers for their written comments.

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Roberts, A. Objectification and vision: how images shape our early visual processes. Synthese 199, 4543–4560 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11229-020-02990-9

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