Abstract
States vary in their treatment of the voting rights of convicted felons through incarceration, probation, parole, and beyond. A few states permit even incarcerated felons to vote, while others rescind the right permanently, with most states’ policies located between those extremes. This paper analyzes the relationship among voter turnout, election outcomes, and levels of felon disenfranchisement by state. The results show a pattern of divergence around the 2000 election before which turnout, disenfranchisement, crime rates, and Republican or Democratic success in elections were unrelated and since which strong correlations are found. Disenfranchisement rates no longer bear a significant relationship to crime rates, and states won by Republicans have both lower overall turnout and higher levels of ineligible felons in the voting-age population. Partisan control of state legislatures does not predict these patterns, but there is a strong regional component to the data with disenfranchisement notably higher in Southern states regardless of partisan control. Overall the data support a need for further research on the disparate treatment of felon voting rights among states which may be contributing to broader trends emerging in political science research of a growing relationship between lower voter turnout and Republican electoral success.
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Notes
E.g., Johnson v. Bush, 02-14469 [11th Cir., December 19, 2003].
This is not intended as a comprehensive summary of the legal history of this issue, and the author is thankful to legal scholars including Miles (2004) who have undertaken that task.
Current as of December 31, 2016. Source: State attorneys general websites, plus District of Columbia.
The relative difficulty and complexity of these procedures are not considered here but are a relevant topic for further research on interstate differences in rates of disenfranchisement and participation.
Data from the US Elections Project calculate disenfranchisement rates as the number of ineligible felons as a percentage of all adults of voting age in each state.
It is possible, of course, that causality flows in either direction on this point; GOP-dominated states may be more likely to pass disenfranchising laws, or states with such laws may be more favorable to GOP candidates. For the scope and purpose of this analysis, the intention is to investigate whether any relationship is found in the data at all. If so, determining the causal mechanisms will be an important topic for further research.
These and all other data are available upon request from the author and online at (insert).
Data source: FBI Uniform Crime Reporting statistics, via http://www.fbi.gov.
Like the U.S. House of Representatives, nearly all state legislatures have two-year terms for one or both chambers of the legislature, creating the potential for partisan control to change with each presidential and midterm election.
For a list and official definitions, see Census Regions and Census Divisions.
See also Vote View blog, “Collapse of the Voting Structure” for record high levels of polarization as measured by DW-Nominate scores, 1/12/2017.
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Burmila, E.M. Voter Turnout, Felon Disenfranchisement and Partisan Outcomes in Presidential Elections, 1988–2012. Soc Just Res 30, 72–88 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11211-017-0277-2
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11211-017-0277-2