As countries become increasingly super-diverse (Vertovec 2007), with complex socio-economic, cultural and political characteristics, how can they optimally manage these multiple forms of diversity? This has been a topic of great academic and policy debate over the last century. Two visions of social policy with opposite theoretical notions have particularly stood out in a spectrum of diversity management policies: assimilation and multiculturalism. Assimilation involved a process whereby people from diverse cultural backgrounds adopt and incorporate the majority or mainstream culture (Alba and Nee 1997). After decades of policy and practice, it was heavily criticised by social scientists for imposing ethnocentric and patronising demands (Alba and Nee 1997).
In the 1980s, multiculturalism emerged as an alternative to replace assimilation in many societies. Multiculturalism is an approach to diversity management based on the recognition and political accommodation of minority groups from different ethnic, cultural and religious backgrounds (Taylor 1994; Modood 2007). Essentially, it is a vision of a society where all ethno-cultural groups are accepted as equal. In many societies (e.g., UK, Canada, and Australia), the adoption of multiculturalism has been related to anti-discrimination legislations and policies (Banting and Kymlicka 2013; Meer and Modood 2009). However, there have been growing debates around the shortcomings of multicultural policy, particularly in Europe. Some of the critiques include that multicultural policies have led to ethnic cleavage, cultural separation, and a depletion of trust and social cohesion (Vertovec and Wessendorf 2010; Cantle 2012). However, these criticisms, which place the burden of social integration exclusively on immigrants, remain heavily contested (Banting and Kymlicka 2013; Meer and Modood 2009). Recent scholarship has argued for the mainstreaming of the diversity agenda so that interaction and contact may extend to diverse groups including majority society, in order to engender cultural understanding and social cohesion (See Elias and Mansouri 2020).
In this context, interculturalism has been proposed as the basis for recalibrating multiculturalism with a focus on exchange, dialogue and contact between groups across difference (Mansouri and Modood 2020; Zapata-Barrero 2019). Interculturalism rests on the notion that groups can bridge differences and overcome prejudice through intergroup interactions based on mutual respect to find shared values (Belo 2017). Within the broad interculturalism literature, ICD is a specific practical conduit aimed at enacting the inclusive, deliberative dimensions of interculturalism. There are several characteristics that distinguish interculturalism and more specifically ICD, from multiculturalism and assimilation – the two extremes of the migrant integration continuum. Unlike multiculturalism, interculturalism and ICD focus on individuals rather than groups, emphasise intergroup contact, have local and grassroots perspectives, and contain transformative capacity in terms of attitudes towards difference. Unlike assimilation, interculturalism and ICD recognise cultural diversity, consider identity as fluid rather than fixed, reject ethnocentrism, emphasise shared values, and aim to bridge cross-cultural conflict.
Broadly conceived, ICD is a process of interaction, exchange and dialogue among individuals from diverse cultural backgrounds, with an emphasis on fostering social harmony and peaceful coexistence. Scholarly research on ICD, and the broader related concept of interculturalism, exhibits significant divergence in the understandings of the theoretical novelty of ICD, particularly in comparison to other well-established concepts such as multiculturalism, cosmopolitanism and transnationalism. A comprehensive review of this literature, particularly in relation to the definitions of ICD and interculturalism (Elias and Mansouri 2020), reports that the most popular definitions of ICD are those provided by the Council of Europe and UNESCO:
[ICD] is understood as a process that comprises an open and respectful exchange of views between individuals and groups with different ethnic, cultural, religious and linguistic backgrounds and heritage, on the basis of mutual understanding and respect. (Council of Europe 2008, 17)
[ICD is the] equitable exchange and dialogue among civilizations, cultures and peoples, based on mutual understanding and respect and the equal dignity of all cultures is the essential prerequisite for constructing social cohesion, reconciliation among peoples and peace among nations. (UNESCO 2017)
The two definitions are conceptually related, both emphasising respect, mutuality, understanding, and equality as the bases for the process of cross-cultural exchange and dialogue. Most of the reviewed studies conceptualised ICD as involving respectful exchange between individuals or groups from diverse ethnic or cultural backgrounds (Elias and Mansouri 2020). This conceptualisation also highlights the key notions of respect, mutuality and equality that underpin the process of dialogue and exchange.
ICD heavily draws on the intergroup contact literature and sees contact and interaction across difference as the key missing ingredients of previous theories of diversity policy, most notably, assimilation and multiculturalism (Council of Europe 2008; Zapata-Barrero 2019). While assimilationist policies have been criticised for undermining the salience of difference by aiming for conformity to dominant norms, much of the critique of multicultural policies relates to the absence of contact altogether (Rodríguez-García 2010; Vertovec and Wessendorf 2010). In ICD, difference is assumed as a salient social fact (Vertovec 2007), and intergroup contact across difference is approached proactively to facilitate mutual understanding through dialogic interaction. In other words, intercultural contact, under the right societal conditions and involving minority and majority cultural groups, is predicted to lessen prejudice and encourage openness to difference (Mansouri 2017; Zapata-Barrero 2019)
While many studies have attempted to articulate the theoretical basis of ICD, the task of defining it operationally and measuring its impact empirically remains a considerable methodological challenge. To understand the relationships between ICD and various measures of its social, economic, and political indicators, it is important first to be able to operationally define and specifically measure ICD itself. Until now, the ICI has been the only tool available to measure intercultural interactions and inclusivity, and only at the city level – it does not allow for cross-country comparison (see Introduction). A study by UNESCO (2018, 45) highlights this critical knowledge gap related to ‘a scarcity of policy and practice-relevant data to measure the capacities of societies to facilitate dialogue’ which precludes the assessment of ICD. This deficit also contributes to the ‘conceptual fragmentation, limited operational engagement, and reluctance to use evidence in policies and action towards effective dialogue’ (UNESCO 2018, 45). Yet, the literature provides sufficient theoretical foundations for developing a tool that can enable the measurement of intercultural engagement and interactions among groups at the national level. For example, the intercultural communication literature offers vital theoretical insights as to how intercultural understanding emerges through dialogic interaction. As Chen (2010, 6) shows, there is direct relationship between intercultural engagement and intercultural sensitivity, as shown in ‘the importance of intercultural sensitivity in the globalizing society through its negative relationships with ethnocentrism and intercultural communication apprehension.’ Research also highlights the role of intercultural awareness, intercultural effectiveness, and intercultural competence in fostering cross-cultural understanding (Abdallah-Pretceille 2006; Alizadeh and Chavan 2016; Walton et al. 2013). Therefore, understanding the underlying theoretical assumptions of ICD, and potential indicators that directly or indirectly contribute to its realisation, is the first step towards the development of an ICD index.
Drawing on both the UNESCO and Council of Europe definitions of ICD, we identify three key features that form the foundational basis of the ICDI:
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(i)
National-level legislations, policies and implementation strategies indicating an overall legislative/policy framework relevant to ICD;
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(ii)
Underlying structural, demographic, socio-economic, cultural and political environment, which indicates the overall structural makeup of a country; and,
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(iii)
Intercultural environment, which affects intergroup dynamics and determines the opportunities for interaction and dialogue that can emerge.
ICD has a legislative aspect, particularly in relation to its implementation, where it requires institutions and policies that enable positive intergroup contact under the requisite conditions of respect and equality (Zapata-Barrero 2016). Its emergence is rooted in immigration and diversity policy debates, and it has essentially been presented as a policy instrument (Bouchard and Taylor 2008; Council of Europe 2008). ICD also has structural aspects, since meaningful cross-cultural dialogue requires certain minimum conditions in terms of social, economic and political infrastructure (Besley and Peters 2011; Elias 2017; Zapata-Barrero 2016). For example, ICD can effectively take place only in a peaceful environment (Phipps 2014). Finally, an environment of better intergroup relations is more likely to produce an increased level of ICD than an environment where racism and other forms of intergroup hostility are rife (Cantle 2012; Council of Europe 2008).
We conceive of these three interrelated dimensions as potentially vital for the sustenance of ICD as a diversity policy praxis. The legislative–policy context (LPC) dimension indicates a legal and policy environment that offers a national pro-diversity framework with legislative protection from discrimination. This ensures political and legal provisions for the conduct of intercultural contact and dialogue among groups. The structural foundations (SFs) dimension encompasses the macro-structures that affect the capacity of individuals and groups in their pursuit of civic engagement. These reflect diverse socio-economic, political, technological and security conditions that directly or indirectly determine the possibility of ICD. The intercultural opportunities (ICO) dimension outlines some of the factors that can influence group dynamics in a pluralistic society. These relate to the constraints that can be placed on individuals and groups, as well as underlying individual-level determinants of ICD. Figure 1 provides a conceptual framework outlining the relationship between ICD and these three dimensions, and the relationship between the dimensions. The single arrows indicate these potential relationships while the double arrows show the themes that underlie ICD as conceptualised in the literature (Council of Europe 2008; Elias and Mansouri 2020). Below, we outline the justification for the inclusion of the 31 indicators we use to measure each component within the three dimensions. All indicators are selected based on the principle of relevance or fitness-for-purpose as suggested by a widely used index construction guideline (OECD 2008).
The Legislative–policy Dimension
The Council of Europe (2008, 5) states that ‘intercultural dialogue cannot be prescribed by law.’ However, this does not mean that it is unrelated to laws and policies. In fact, certain laws and policies, such as multicultural policies and anti-discrimination laws, can directly affect the possibility of pursuing and implementing ICD initiatives (Barrett 2013; Wiater 2010). The public and policy debate regarding the distinction between multiculturalism and interculturalism aside (Meer and Modood 2012), theoretical and empirical research indicates that interculturalism is in many cases connected to and dependent on multiculturalism (Modood and Meer 2012); the two are indeed complementary in several ways (Mansouri and Modood 2020; Levrau and Loobuyck 2013). Multiculturalism and interculturalism both emphasise pro-diversity ideological stances and policy approaches, an acceptance of difference, and an attachment to social harmony and intercultural understanding.
Vertovec and Wessendorf (2010) list eight measures that have characterised multicultural policies: public recognition of ethnic minority organisations; provisions for cultural diversity in schools; access to social services; public materials in multiple languages; laws related to diversity; religious accommodation; provisions related to cultural food and rituals; and accommodation in media and broadcasting. An equally important variable that can indicate a country’s commitment to ICD is the presence of anti-discrimination laws and related initiatives (Zapata-Barrero 2017). In Vertovec and Wessendorf’s list, protection from discrimination is incorporated within laws related to diversity. Following on from the above emphasis on multiculturalism and anti-discrimination laws, a key condition for ICD is the absence of uneven or asymmetrical power relations among groups or individuals (Elias 2017; James 1999; Zapata-Barrero 2017).
In the proposed ICDI, two components form the LPC dimension: policies on multiculturalism and anti-discrimination laws. However, internationally comparable data on legislation, policy and implementation of multiculturalism and anti-discrimination laws are not readily available. For multiculturalism, the best available data are the Multicultural Policy Index (https://www.queensu.ca/mcp/; Banting and Kymlicka 2013), and the Migration Integration Policy Index (Huddleston et al. 2015), which compare the state of multicultural and anti-discrimination policies in OECD countries. The ICDI uses some of these data along with manually collected data from national constitutions for most other countries. Similarly, in the absence of internationally comparable anti-discrimination data, the ICDI compiles a composite measure for this indicator, based on constitutional affirmation, explicit national policies, and data from Huddleston et al. (2015). This dimension, made up of the multiculturalism and anti-discrimination components, is based on the absence or presence of related acts, legislations, and policies at the national level.
Structural Foundations Dimension
The second dimension in the proposed ICDI consists of five components that cover the institutional and structural conditions for ICD within a particular society. One of the key indicators for this dimension is the possibility and opportunity for intergroup contact, which is a key input component of ICD and one that can lead to improved intercultural understanding and reduced prejudice (Pettigrew and Tropp 2006). In the absence of global intergroup contact data, this index employs in-bound tourism, cultural participation, and the number of immigrant and indigenous languages as proxy variables. The working assumption here is that more tourist arrivals, more heritage sites and increased presence of migrant and indigenous languages could lead to more exposure and contact between groups. Studies show that exposure and familiarity with outgroup members can reduce uncertainty, while cultural participation has correlation with inclusiveness (Pettigrew and Tropp 2006; Anheier et al. 2017). However, contact may not always lead to positive outcomes, unless certain conditions are met (Graf et al. 2014). Thus, this dimension includes three versions of fractionalization – ethnic, lingual, and religious – to account for potential negative effects of diversity.
Equality is another important structural condition for genuine and effective ICD (James 1999; Zapata-Barrero 2017; Wiater 2010). The Council of Europe argues that ‘no dialogue can take place in the absence of respect for the equal dignity of all human beings, human rights, the rule of law and democratic principles’ (Council of Europe 2016, 19). The phrase equal dignity is also mentioned as the key ingredient of genuine interaction in UNESCO’s definition of ICD. This is captured in the ICDI by the inclusion of socio-economic (in) equality, which consists of three key indicators – economic (in)equality, intergenerational social mobility, and educational attainment. Equality is an important value to consider in the facilitation of intergroup contact, while access to media and communication is vital for information and knowledge dissemination. While media can amplify intergroup tensions through distortion and propaganda, it can also serve as a space for robust debate and dialogue (Paluck 2009). For this dimension of the ICDI, we use the number of available newspapers, mobile telephone and internet subscriptions to capture the role of media and access to modern communication.
Since its inception, ICD has been flagged as an instrument for fostering social cohesion and peaceful coexistence, and for contributing to conflict prevention (Council of Europe 2008). These aims are captured using three indicators, one of which is intergroup cohesion, an output indicator measuring cooperation and respect among groups in a society. The other two output indicators indicate the level of state fragility, measured using two alternative approaches developed by the Center for Systemic Peace and Fund for Peace. Overall, the SF dimension incorporates five components measuring the conditions necessary for intercultural relations to develop.
Intercultural Opportunities Dimension
The third dimension of the ICDI – intercultural opportunities – incorporates three output components that affect an individual’s capacity to engage in intergroup interactions. For example, high levels of racism and intolerance towards outgroups (e.g., racial minorities, migrants, indigenous groups) are likely to inhibit genuine dialogue, while the absence of dialogue altogether can deny opportunities for attitudinal and behavioural change (Dessel and Roge 2008). We include three indicators to capture these dialectical dynamics forming the component intercultural attitudes. Social inclusion is another related component at the group level, included to capture the level of minority representation in a country. This component is composed of four interrelated indicators including restriction of religious freedom, intergroup relations, and inclusion of and discrimination against ethnic minorities (cf. Dovidio et al. 2003; Pettigrew and Tropp 2006). Each indicator measures intergroup dynamics with a slightly different focus and, in combination, provides a nuanced overall variance. Finally, another component, freedom and rights, is introduced to reflect some of the democratic ideals that ICD espouses. In the Council of Europe articulation of ICD, human rights are considered an ‘essential framework for the practice of intercultural dialogue,’ and fundamental freedoms, such as freedom of expression, are seen as vital for fostering understanding and awareness (Council of Europe 2008, 26). The index captures this in three measures indicating press freedom and freedom of movement.