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Abstract

This paper analyses the international media coverage of the dispute surrounding the pardons the Polish President granted in 2015 to two politicians, arrested almost a decade later. However political this case has become, it is underlain by a specific interpretive problem concerning the presidential pardon power under the Constitution, particularly whether it can be exercised before a final conviction (the so-called ‘individual abolition’). This question has long been controversial in scholarship and, in recent years, has been addressed by top Polish courts, passing conflicting rulings. Attempting to probe into the intersection of journalism, politics, law and linguistics, this paper evaluates the issue’s portrayal in 37 articles published on major news websites around the time of the arrest. It is argued that when reporting local legal news, international media engage in a dual translation, rendering legal communications in one language into media communications in another. While ‘lossless’ transfer cannot be expected, this research shows that certain limits should not be crossed to maintain journalistic standards. In particular, most articles entirely omit the scholarship and rulings confirming the validity of the pardons. Consequently, readers are not given an opportunity to become aware of all relevant facts and perhaps seek further information. On the positive side, it has been found that simple and accessible language does not necessarily mean material distortions in the coverage of legal issues. The research thus suggests that reporting domestic legal news for international audiences requires understanding the source context, conscious language use and a reliable selection of information.

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Notes

  1. Perhaps ‘communicating about law’ would be more accurate from a Luhmannian perspective.

  2. Searches on news.google.com and dailymail.co.uk did not return any articles.

  3. The Minister then was Andrzej Lepper, the leader of one of the coalition parties. The scandal, known as the ‘land scandal’ (afera gruntowa), led to Lepper’s dismissal and the coalition’s break-up. For the next eight years, until 2015, the Civic Platform and the Polish People’s Party stayed in power.

  4. The procedure is referred to as abolicja indywidualna (‘individual abolition’). It is applied to prevent prosecution prior to a final conviction, i.e. before the initiation of criminal proceedings, during the pre-trial or trial stages, or before the judgment becomes final and non-appealable ([73], pp. 1–2). This form of pardon can be compared to the so-called ‘open pardon’ in U.S. constitutionalism, exemplified by President Gerald Ford’s pardon granted to Richard Nixon in 1974 ([74], pp. 530–532). An explicit power of pardon of this kind is provided for under Article 65(2)(c) of the Austrian Federal Constitutional Act [75].

  5. That is, a judgment that is no longer appealable except for a cassation appeal.

  6. The Tribunal’s power to resolve disputes over authority between central state organs is provided for under Article 189 of the Constitution.

  7. It might be worth adding that none of the panels included any of the three judges (or their successors) whose 2015 appointments were questioned in the aftermath of the 2015–2016 crisis around the Constitutional Tribunal [see 82].

  8. This time, including two contested judges. See footnote 7.

  9. It came to power after the Law and Justice’s eight-year rule (2015–2023). Although Law and Justice won the 2023 parliamentary election, receiving more votes than any other party, it did not manage to form a majority in the Sejm. As a result, the coalition of former opposition parties took power.

  10. Article 247(1)(2) in connection with Article 11(2)(1) of the Code. This stems from Article 99(3) of the Constitution.

  11. But it must be added that the same chamber, for instance, was about to rule on another public-law matter – the validity of the recent parliamentary election – apparently unchallenged [94].

  12. Both left prison on 23 January 2024.

  13. Interestingly, in one article, the information about ‘corruption charges’ appears along with a contradictory description of the nature of the politicians’ involvement [50].

  14. 1-year imprisonment under federal law (18 U.S. Code § 3559), but, for instance, 5-year imprisonment in Pennsylvania (18 Pa. C.S. § 106).

  15. In some articles, generalisations like the following can be found: ‘But the courts ultimately ruled otherwise, finding that the pardon (…) should not stand’ [25]; ‘Nationalist-appointed judges had recognized Duda’s initial amnesty, while other judicial bodies said it wasn’t binding’ [33]; ‘Different courts, and sometimes different chambers of the same court, are delivering contradictory rulings (…) the PiS-controlled constitutional tribunal, for example, has ruled that the supreme court was wrong to overturn Duda’s pardon’ [38].

  16. The Supreme Court judges could also be labelled with ideological leanings, as it is possible to regard their approach to the presidential pardon as an expression of antipathy towards the President and his political camp, who had tried to introduce the contested changes to the judicial system (see Subsection 4.3).

  17. Similar reservations to those about ‘revoke’ apply (see above).

  18. Multiple articles also mention Prime Minister Donald Tusk’s criticism of the President refusing to accept the politicians’ conviction [18, 20,21,22,23, 27, 35, 37, 39, 42, 43, 47, 52, 53].

  19. At the time the revised paper was submitted (15 March 2024), the dispute remained unresolved. The National Electoral Commission, requested by the Speaker to indicate the next candidates to take up the parliamentary seats, initially asked the Speaker to provide factual and legal grounds for his requests. The Speaker maintained his request concerning Mariusz Kamiński’s seat. In response, the Commission indicated the next candidates but stated that this was informative only and explicitly refused to prejudge whether Kamiński’s mandate had expired [141, 142]. Yet, his seat was taken up by Monika Pawłowska. The President had earlier decided to refer all statutes passed without both politicians being enabled to participate in legislative work to the Constitutional Tribunal [143].

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Kusik, P. International Media Coverage of Domestic Legal News: The Case of the Dispute over the Presidential Pardon Power in Poland. Int J Semiot Law (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11196-024-10146-y

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