Abstract
The 2011 Arab Spring uprisings are often portrayed as a wave of failed revolutions that devolved rapidly into anarchic violence. Yemen and Libya appear to illustrate this dynamic par excellence, as interim governments collapsed in the face of violence, war, and humanitarian disasters by 2014. Although studies of these revolutions have proliferated in recent years, the fuller range of outcomes emerging from the Arab Spring at the local level and in everyday life have comprised a theoretical and empirical black box. Based on the grounded analysis of ethnographic data from Yemen and Libya during the post-Arab Spring interim periods (2012–2013), this study argues that although the 2011 revolutions failed to achieve their major goals, they succeeded in breaking down normative forms of incumbent authoritarian power across major urban centers. As a result, activists and ordinary citizens gained what we call newfound “civic opportunities” to make political claims in Yemen and Libya’s emergent civic spheres. Participants did so by repurposing their built environment for artistic expression, engaging in peaceful collective action, and publicly commemorating the victims and heroes of anti-regime resistance. While civic opportunities were later eclipsed by violence, we argue that revolutions failing to instigate democratic change from “above” can nevertheless create meaningful civic opportunities for democratic practices from “below.” The study concludes by suggesting how this mobilization matters for future waves of protest and democratization, and for the scholarly investigation of revolution outcomes more generally.
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Notes
The Saleh regime presided over a weak state and never exercised a monopoly over the legitimate means of violence; state infrastructural and centralized military control outside of the capital was also weak. Tribes and tribal confederations both supplemented regime power and competed against it in significant ways. Tribes headed by elite families operated as statelets by controlling territory and collecting taxes; they also provided security with armed forces and were duty-bound to defend their members from threats and attacks from outsiders. This means that the central regime had to be cautious in not infringing upon tribal leaders’ authority or autonomy, or else risk sparking armed confrontations. Tribes were also represented at the national political level in government through their members’ affiliation with political parties. In addition, the state had no routinized legalistic claims of authority over the tribes, so relations between tribes and the state were based on a constantly-negotiated, competitive, and tenuous system of patronage.
While Gaddafi’s bloated military apparatus was generally underequipped and undermined by the deliberate rotations in leadership, the best equipped forces, such as the Military Intelligence, the 32nd Brigade (katiba) led by Gaddafi’s son Khamis, the Revolutionary Guard (al-Hiras al-Thawri), and the Jamahiriyya Security Organization (Hayat Amn al-Jamahiriyya), were dedicated to rooting out domestic dissent and protecting the Gaddafi family (Bassiouni 2013, 133–142).
Qat is a plant chewed daily in Yemen for its mild stimulant properties, similar to chewing tobacco. This is not to be confused with other varieties found in east Africa and elsewhere, which can have psychotropic and psychedelic effects.
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Acknowledgments
The authors are deeply grateful to attendees of the Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies’ paper workshop (2021) for their helpful feedback, and to Layla E. Picard for her sage expertise on the Yemeni case. Research conducted by Dana M. Moss was made possible by funding from the National Science Foundation’s Doctoral Dissertation Improvement Grant 2014–2015 (#1433642) and the University of California, Irvine’s Kugelman Citizen Peacebuilding Research Fellowship, the Center for Global Peace and Conflict Studies’ Research Award, the Center for the Study of Democracy, and the Department of Sociology’s Summer Fellowship. All research was conducted in accordance with the authors’ respective institutional permissions and/or Internal Review Board protocols for the use of human subjects in research.
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Moss, D., Bath, C. Civic Opportunities and Democratic Practices in Yemen and Libya after the Arab Spring. Qual Sociol (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11133-024-09559-9
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11133-024-09559-9