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Desiring, desires, and desire ascriptions

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Abstract

Delia Graff Fara (2013) maintains that many desire ascriptions underspecify the content of the relevant agent’s desire. She argues that this is inconsistent with certain initially plausible claims about desiring, desires, and desire ascriptions. This paper defends those initially plausible claims. Part of the defense hinges on metaphysical claims about the relations among desiring, desires, and contents.

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Notes

  1. Lycan (2012) presents somewhat similar arguments against standard semantic theories of desire ascriptions. Unfortunately, I do not have space to discuss Lycan’s arguments here.

  2. Fara (2013, pp. 270–272) mentions Shier (1996) and Bach (1997), who argue that belief ascriptions underspecify their contents. Fara does not mention either Lewis (1994) or Braddon-Mitchell and Jackson (2007), but they also endorse theories of belief on which ordinary belief ascriptions do not fully specify the contents of agents’ belief-states.

  3. The above semantic analysis is inspired by Montague’s (1973) analysis of belief ascriptions, which takes ‘believe’ to be an ordinary binary predicate, rather than a kind of sentence operator, as Hintikka (1969) does.

  4. For similar reasons, I also ignore views (such as Crimmins 1992) that say that attitude verbs are ternary predicates.

  5. Desire ascriptions that contain quantifier phrases in their content clauses, such as ‘Fiona wants to catch a fish’, seem ambiguous between a notional reading and a relational reading. Many theorists attribute this apparent ambiguity to a scope ambiguity. Fara (2013) discusses hypothetical replies to her argument that appeal to such ambiguities. But I will not appeal to such ambiguities. When I discuss a desire ascription that contains a quantifier phrase, I will always have in mind a reading in which all of the quantifiers in the ascription’s infinitival phrase take maximally narrow scope.

  6. Lycan (2012, pp. 203–204) discusses a similar principle, and (following Stampe 1986) brings up a seemingly serious problem with it. Suppose that, on Monday, I want to eat spaghetti on Tuesday, and that I will, in fact, eat spaghetti on Tuesday. The Specification Component entails (or strongly suggests) that my desire to eat spaghetti on Tuesday is already satisfied on Monday. We might avoid this consequence by revising the Specification Component to mention something about the time at which the agent has the desire and the temporal content (if any) of the relevant proposition. Fortunately, we can ignore matters of time and tense here.

  7. In an earlier paper (Fara 2003, p. 159), Fara seemingly endorses the claim that X stands in the desiring relation to P iff X has a desire whose content entails P. This claim is inconsistent with the Content Component.

  8. I use the term ‘event’ so that it subsumes both short-lived events, such as Fred’s desire to eat, and long-lived events, such as my long-standing desire to see the Grand Canyon.

  9. Properties of desiring propositions (e.g., the property of desiring that Sasha exercise) are also reasonable candidates for being desires. I shall ignore them, for I think that the claim that some desires are desiring-properties raises basically the same issues for the Content Component as does the claim that some desires are desired propositions.

  10. The critic might say that my mistake(s) occurred either in Sect. 8.1, where I made claims about what desiring-events consist in, or in Sect. 8.2, where I made claims about the contents of desiring-events.

  11. Lewis (1994, section II) and Braddon-Mitchell and Jackson (2007, pp. 185–193) endorse a view about belief that resembles the above extreme view of desire.

  12. If the extreme view is correct, then no ordinary, reasonably short, desire ascription fully describes the complete content of any human agent’s (single, mighty, all-inclusive) desiring-event.

  13. Plausibly, there are many more events occurring, such as an event of the ball’s spinning at exactly rate R, and an event of its spinning at a rate in the range of R ± δ, and so on. The example is modeled after one given by Davidson (1969). My arguments concerning it are inspired by Lewis’s (1986) theory of events, as are my arguments below concerning desiring-events.

  14. See Bach (1994, 2001, 2005) for a related distinction between saying and implic-i-ting, Soames (2005, 2009) for a related distinction between semantic content and asserting, and Braun (2011) for a related distinction between locuting and asserting.

  15. Alternatively, we can imagine that Fiona is not disposed to want to catch a fish, even after reflection: imagine that when we ask her ‘Do you want to catch a fish?’ she sincerely says ‘I want to catch a meal-sized fish but I do not want to catch a fish’. This might show that Fiona does not want to catch a fish. It might also show that she is irrational (I am of two minds about whether it does). But none of this would make a difference to my criticism of (11b). (Note that I am imagining that Fiona does not want to catch a fish; I am not imagining that Fiona wants not to catch a fish. The negations in the preceding ascriptions take different scopes.)

  16. I am focusing here on what Fara uses the phrase ‘her desire’ to (speaker-) refer to. If Fiona has more than one desire, then the phrase ‘her desire’ (in a context in which ‘her’ refers to Fiona) is semantically like an improper definite description. But Fara may nevertheless use the phrase to speaker-refer to a particular desire of Fiona’s.

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Acknowledgments

Thanks to Delia Graff Fara, Gail Mauner, and Sarah McGrath for helpful discussions, to Kent Bach for extensive written comments on an early draft, to David Christensen for expert correspondence on principles of rational desire, and to Fabrizio Cariani for detailed written comments on a late draft.

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Braun, D. Desiring, desires, and desire ascriptions. Philos Stud 172, 141–162 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11098-014-0281-4

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