Abstract
An experimental paradigm that purports to test young children’s understanding of social norms is examined. The paradigm models norms on Searle’s notion of a constitutive rule. The experiments and the reasons provided for their design are discussed. It is argued that the experiments do not provide direct evidence about the development of social norms and that the concepts of a social norm and constitutive rule are distinct. The experimental data are re-interpreted, and suggestions for how to deal with the present criticism are presented that do not require abandoning the paradigm as such. Then the conception of normativity that underlies the experimental paradigm is rejected and an alternative view is put forward. It is argued that normativity emerges from interaction and engagement, and that learning to comply with social norms involves understanding the distinction between their content, enforcement, and acceptance. As opposed to rule-based accounts that picture the development of an understanding of social norms as one-directional and based in enforcement, the present view emphasizes that normativity is situated, reciprocal, and interactive.
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Notes
As Rakoczy (2007) notices, in everyday life usage and status functions tend to blend, and the distinction between constitutive and regulative rules sometimes is difficult to maintain. Most activities involve both instrumental and conventional elements and apparently occur on a continuum. For instance, board games are more strongly conventional, while pool also relies on causal usage functions, as the goal is to get the ball in the hole, and using the queue is the means to do so (Rakoczy et al. 2008).
One might say that rules prepare for normativity, directives are weakly or ‘proto’ normative because in proposing certain behaviour they also encourage the behaviour, and prescriptions are strongly normative in imposing certain behaving (”oughtness”).
Notice that the norms that pertain to daxing are not exclusive to daxing. As opposed to constitutive rules, social norms are not specific to a certain activity.
The players’ utterances are taken from the videos from the experiments and mirror how the children express themselves. I have replaced the word “daxing” by “scoring a goal” in one utterance. My interpretation of the force of the utterances is within […]. The fact that the children have not yet gained mastery of their maternal language illustrates the difficulty of using verbal data to determine whether they are making normative judgments or, say, are giving advice (cf. Brandl et al. this volume).
This does not mean that transgression of social norms inevitably leads to anger. As Nagel (1998) argues, relational conventions help us to restrain ourselves and enable civilized engagement with others. The point here is that the children direct their corrections at constitutive rules, not social norms.
Because this section concerns a particular experimental paradigm and how it might be improved, I do not discuss other ways of not respecting social norms than the abuse of arbitrary social facts.
Glüer’s and Pagin’s (1999) analysis indicates that rule following is more intricate than the account in terms of collective intentionality has it (cf. Rakoczy and Tomasello 2006; Tomasello et al. 2005). In collective intentionality, two or more subjects share an intentional “we” attitude that cannot be reduced to individual intentions, but essentially involves thinking of the activity in which one is involved as joint, as something that one does together. In spite of its complex cognitive structure (Rakoczy et al. 2009: 111), collective intentionality is supposed to develop during the second year of life. The notion of collective intentionality is too general to explain the complexity of social normativity. Unfortunately, space does not allow me to elaborate on this.
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Acknowledgments
Special thanks to the members of NORMCON for constructive suggestions. I also wish to thank the members of DRUST, CCCOM and the Cog Com Lab as well as Neil Roughley, two anonymous referees, and the editor of this volume for valuable recommendations. This work was supported by The European Science Foundation via the Swedish Research Council (grant number 429-2010-7181).
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Brinck, I. Understanding social norms and constitutive rules: Perspectives from developmental psychology and philosophy. Phenom Cogn Sci 14, 699–718 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11097-015-9426-y
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11097-015-9426-y