Abstract
The paper reviews the arguments for and against monetary union among the six members of the Gulf Cooperation Council—the United Arab Emirates, the State of Bahrain, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the Sultanate of Oman, the State of Qatar and the State of Kuwait. Both technical economic arguments and political economy considerations are discussed. I conclude that there is an economic case for GCC monetary union, but that it is not overwhelming. The lack of economic integration among the GCC members is striking. Without anything approaching the free movement of goods, services, capital and persons among the six GCC member countries, the case for monetary union is mainly based on the small size of all GCC members other than Saudi Arabia, and their high degree of openness. Indeed, even without the creation of a monetary union, there could be significant advantages to all GCC members, from both an economic and a security perspective, from greater economic integration, through the creation of a true common market for goods, services, capital and labour, and from deeper political integration. The political arguments against monetary union at this juncture appear overwhelming, however. The absence of effective supranational political institutions encompassing the six GCC members means that there could be no effective political accountability of the GCC central bank. The surrender of political sovereignty inherent in joining a monetary union would therefore not be perceived as legitimate by an increasingly politically sophisticated citizenry. I believe that monetary union among the GCC members will occur only as part of a broad and broadly based movement towards far-reaching political integration. And there is little evidence of that as yet.
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Notes
This emasculation of the National Central Banks (NCBs) has occurred despite the fact that the NCBs are the shareholders of the ECB. The only role in monetary policy formulation and design of the NCBs comes from the fact that each of them provides its Governor as a member of the rate-setting body of the ECB, the Governing Council. With Malta and Cyprus joining the EMU on January 1, 2008, there will be fifteen EU member states. Fifteen is the maximum number of NCB governors that can vote at a ECB Governing Council meetings. When the number of EMU member states exceeds 15, the NCB governors will begin to rotate as regards voting rights, even though all governors continue to have to right to participate in Governing Council meetings.
As a currency basket, the SDR would appear to be a much better choice for the GCC countries than the US dollar.
The anticipated inflation tax, discussed earlier, is the ability to reduce the real value of the stock of base money through inflation. The unanticipated inflation tax is the de-facto capital levy the monetary authorities can impose on holders of nominally denominated fixed-rate government debt, through an unanticipated increase in the rate of inflation and the associated increase in long-term market nominal interest rates.
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© Willem H. Buiter 2007, 2008
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Buiter, W.H. Economic, Political, and Institutional Prerequisites for Monetary Union Among the Members of the Gulf Cooperation Council. Open Econ Rev 19, 579–612 (2008). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11079-008-9081-9
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11079-008-9081-9