1 Introduction

Disasters are considered as the result of events that exceed the coping capacity of the society and cause physical, social, economic, cultural and environmental impacts that are unknown when and where they will occur, and that create changes in the normal functioning of the society (McFarlane and Williams 2012). Disasters can cause injury or death to living things due to their nature and consequences. In addition, they can affect people psychologically and lead them to trauma emotionally, although the duration varies (Cuny 1994). It is stated that various disasters have been experienced frequently due to population growth, climate change and unsustainable developments in recent times, their severity has increased, and they cause billions of dollars of damage (Camacho-Vallejo et al. 2015). Physical, social, and economic problems are caused by the increasing frequency and severity of natural disasters worldwide. In essence, disasters result from a spatial and temporal combination of inadequate capacity or measures to reduce the potential negative consequences of danger, a vulnerable human society, and risk (Lisa and Schipper 2010). Disasters not only affect human life, but also greatly affect the normal functioning of daily activities (Choksi et al. 2018). It is known that every member of the society, in terms of gender, plays different roles in the face of disasters.

National and international studies reveal that men and women are affected differently by disasters in various regions of the world and show distinctions in coping strategies (Pincha 2008; Enarson and Meyreles 2004). Gender roles shape the lives of men before, during and after disasters. While gender relations typically empower men as decision makers with greater control over key resources than women, gender identities and norms can also increase their vulnerability (Enarson 1998 ). Men and women with elevated vulnerabilities are affected differently by disasters (Deare 2004; Gaillard et al. 2015). Considering the roles of men in society and the responsibilities imposed on men, how and how male individuals react to events in disaster situations is a subject worthy of research. Male individuals have attempted to cope with the negative impacts of disasters in various ways, even though they are aware that their health is in danger as a result of disasters (Enarson and Pease 2016). The 2030 Sustainable Development Goals envisage that member countries will develop their development plans and policies until 2030, with an understanding that emphasizes the principle of human rights for all. The society is a whole with its men and women, and an approach has been taken within this framework while determining the sustainable development goals, 17 main goals and related objectives. SDG 5 in this context entails ensuring gender equality (United Nations 2023).

According to a 2007 study by Neumayer and Plumper on 141 different countries’ disasters, gender inequality is a direct cause of disaster-related deaths (Neumayer and Plumper 2007). Gender differences affect male mortality rates in disasters. Many men may believe that it is not necessary to take precautions in disasters because they feel themselves strong as a gender. In addition, the expectation of the society for heroic rescue action from male individuals in disaster response exposes men to more risky events (UNISDR 2023). For example, when Hurricane Mitch struck Central America, the number of sudden deaths was higher among men. This is because they operate outdoors and take fewer precautions against risks (Bradshaw, 2002). Some studies have shown that men and women evaluate dangers and risks in different ways and there are differences in their tendency towards risky behaviors (Dominelli 2020; Gaillard et al. 2014). During the earthquake, the roles expected from men due to socio-cultural norms can increase the pressure on men. However, they may be asked to act heroically by engaging in risky behaviors. Other studies in the literature indicate that notably emergency teams and rescue operations are conducted by masculinized institutions (Moreno et al. 2022). On the other hand, it can be a product of social norms associated with traditional masculine skills and capacities, such as portraying their actions in rescue operations as acts that require strength, courage and heroism. An Australian study pioneered the study of disaster, men, and masculinity. The research focused on the experiences of male individuals in a forest fire disaster, and it was determined that men courageously intervened in the face of dangers and took part in studies that required physical strength (Zara et al. 2016). The inability of fathers and husbands to provide a safe sanctuary for their families, according to a study conducted after Hurricane Andrew leads men to view themselves as unsuccessful. It can be said that this situation is related to the sexist structure (Rushton2020; Alway et al. 1998).

Gender roles of men in society; It can be said as holding the decision-making power, providing livelihood activities, being accepted as a breadwinner, working in paid jobs that provide prestige and power, and being highly visible (Pincha 2008). In social power relations, men, free mobility, decision-making power, participation in politics, access to public spaces, and property rights are seen as the main values (Oppong and Bannor 2022; Siraw et al. 2023). On the other hand, women face phenomena such as limited mobility, lack of decision-making power, political exclusion, limited access to public spaces, lack of property rights and auxiliary value. The phenomena in these socially constructed gender power relations in Türkiye are variable and surmountable. Assumptions regarding gender roles specific to men; Approaches such as not showing one’s emotions, being able to earn a living, being rude and harsh, and having power over women negatively affect the provision of gender equality and social justice (Connell 1987). On the other hand, they may avoid experiencing and expressing their very human emotions in the face of an earthquake. Accordingly, men may avoid showing their sensitivity in the face of an earthquake. Men may generally lack skills such as cooking, taking responsibility for child care, and housework, and may assign these roles to women (Vatandaş 2007). Due to traditional stereotypes about gender roles, men’s failure to undertake these responsibilities may also have negative effects on women (Gündüz 2022).

An in-depth examination of the experiences of male individuals in disaster and gender studies will play a significant role in providing future-oriented sustainable solutions. However, it cannot be determined whether male individuals’ coping strategies following disasters are thoroughly comprehended. It has been observed that current disaster risk management and resilience studies lack a male-specific approach and are limited in terms of social considerations. Therefore, this gap in the literature has led researchers to seek the answer to the question “what are the experiences of male individuals in disasters”. What are men’s coping methods after disasters and whether social responsibilities have an effect on their coping strategies are among the questions that seek answers. Therefore, due to the limited number of studies questioning the post-disaster experiences of male individuals, this study is unique. This research is the first to focus on the experiences of men in an earthquake in Türkiye. The aim of this study is to discover how men’s first reflex behaviors during earthquakes and how their coping strategies were shaped after earthquakes in Türkiye. In this context, the research includes analyzing and understanding how men were affected in the earthquake from a gender perspective.

2 Methods

2.1 Pattern of the research

Phenomenological design, one of the qualitative research methods, was adopted in the study. In qualitative comprehensive studies, there is an effort to reach an in-depth perception about the phenomena and events included in the analysis (Boyd 2001). Phenomenological researches are researches conducted to define the common meaning of the lived experiences of several people about a phenomenon or concept (Creswell 2013). The descriptive phenomenology (transcendental) approach pioneered by Husserl was used in the research (Husserl 2012).

2.2 Creation of data collection tool

In order to collect study data, a semi-structured interview form was created by the researchers. The opinions of seven academicians were used in the development of the semi-structured interview form. A pilot interview was conducted by applying the interview form created after expert opinion to two people who met the inclusion criteria for the study. The created interview form consists of six socio-demographic and eight content-related questions.

2.3 Data collection and analysis

The data of the study was collected between 25.04.2023 and 15.05.2023. In this study, the interview method, which is one of the qualitative research methods, was preferred by using a semi-structured interview form in the study, since it was possible to obtain in-depth information in accordance with the selected topic. Due to the uncertainty surrounding data saturation in the research, we continued to acquire data until data saturation was reached. In this context, the data was analyzed after in-depth interviews, and data saturation was achieved after the interviews with 12 men. Although a small sample group is usually selected in qualitative studies, it is stated that when the data starts to repeat, in other words, when the data reaches saturation, the termination of the sample constitutes a criterion (Yıldırım and Şimşek 2018). When a researcher encounters repetitions, he should recognize that data saturation has been reached (Silverman 2016). The literature shows that generally qualitative studies were carried out with 10–15 people (Johnson and Christiansen 2014). Purposive sampling methods such as criterion sampling, and snowball sampling were used in the study (Saunders et al. 2018).

Individuals who wanted to participate in the research voluntarily were first informed about the study. At this stage, participants were informed about the purpose of the study, that they could leave the study at any time, that the data would only be used for scientific purposes, and that the data would not be shared with third parties. It was also stated that the interviews would be recorded. After the explanations made, the participants were asked again whether they would voluntarily participate in the study. Verbal consent was obtained from those who wanted to participate in the study. Interviews started after participant approval was obtained. All interviews were recorded with a voice recorder to prevent data loss. Observation notes were taken by the researchers during the interviews, and these notes were later evaluated during the data analysis phase. The duration of the participant interviews ranged from 30 to 75 minutes. The audio recordings obtained after the interviews were transcribed in MS Word format. The transcribed data were listened to three times at different times to ensure the accuracy of the interviews. In this context, individual interviews were transcribed one by one, coded with the licensed MAXQDA program, and interpretative analyzes were made by creating themes. Reporting of the study was made taking into account the criteria in the Consolidated Checklist (COREQ) developed by Tong et al. (2007). Research data were analyzed within the framework of the following questions;

  • How did gender have an impact on disasters?

  • What are their reactions, behaviors and experiences at the time and after disaster?

  • What are the coping strategies of men facing an earthquake disaster?

In addition, since the research was based on gender roles, Connell’s theories on gender order have guided the interpretations (Bem 1974; Connell 1987; Enarson and Phillips 2008; Sakallı 2019).

2.4 Validity and reliability of the research

In this research, asked confirmatory questions to the participants during the interviews and ensured that participant confirmations were obtained regarding the answers given. Validity is believed to rise when confirming questions are asked. The research’s internal and external reliability was boosted by the fact that the data sources were transferred within a transparent framework and that the researchers consensus on the coding and themes in the data analysis. To ensure transferability, clear and distinct explanations have been sought regarding the context, the selection and characteristics of the participants, the data collection, and analysis process, as well as the rich and powerful presentation of findings with appropriate citations (Guba and Lincoln 2005).

2.5 Study inclusion and exclusion criteria

Criteria for inclusion in the study include being over 18 years of age, having experienced any disaster in Türkiye, having the ability to express oneself clearly, and participating voluntarily. Situations outside the inclusion criteria and requesting to withdraw from the study at any stage of the study were determined as exclusion criteria.

2.6 Ethical considerations

Before starting the study, approval was received from Trabzon University Social and Human Sciences Scientific Research and Publication Ethics Board (Approval Number: E-81614018-000-2200056652-29.12.2022). Additionally, consent was obtained from the participants included in the study. Participants were informed that the information would be kept confidential.

3 Results

In the study, it was observed that men exhibited strong emotions and emotional moments were experienced from time to time during the interviews. The findings of the research on men’s earthquake disaster experiences were analyzed under four different themes (Table 1).

Table 1 Themes of disaster and men research
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3.1 The first reflex behaviors of men in the disaster of the century

In the first reflex behavior theme, it was determined that the men expressed positive and negative operational behaviors, helping the evacuation and protecting their relatives (child, mother, sibling).

The sub-themes of this theme are as follows:

  • Evacuation behaviors.

  • Post-evacuation process management.

  • Spontaneous volunteering and participating in search and rescue efforts.

At the first moment in an earthquake disaster, it has been determined that men exhibit behaviors of going to the family and exhibiting the drop, cover and hold on position, freezing with the effect of shock when they think they are dreaming, waiting without panicking by taking their daughter and wife with them, trying to go out with their mother on their back, evacuation by taking their pets with them, guiding their siblings and exhibiting drop, cover and hold on, injury due to overturned items, encountering secondary dangers as a result of the overturning of the stove and running outside with the effect of shock, running outside with the effect of shock, running outside with the children directly, running outside by taking their younger sister, evacuation for those who cannot be evacuated, especially the elderly and disabled individuals, helping and trying to reach their daughter. The views of men regarding this situation are as follows:

P1, “I went next to my family, I did drop, cover and hold position next to my mother’s bed for a while, and we held hands with my family and waited for it to collapse… when I realized that it would collapse, I had to run to the kitchen and get a few bottles of water from the cupboard and return because I didn’t want to be dehydrated if we were in the wreckage… We were just praying out of fear, my brother came, he was next to me, we were holding hands and waiting for everyone to die in a way…”.

P2 “At that moment, I could not wake my mother, by fear, panic, I carried my mother out to take her out. …”.

P7 “We went down with my little sister; we couldn’t stand when the building collapsed. It swung us. I was covered in blood with my sister, then we stood up.”

P7 said that they were able to go out with their younger sister while describing his first moments. He stated that he later entered the house again because his mother and older sister could not get out and shouted for them to leave. While the mother and his older sister were going out, the building started to collapse, and his sister was injured in the head. The initial emotions that men undergo are freezing by the effects of shock, not being able to make sense of what is happening at that moment, panic, dread, anxiety, haste, waiting to die, helplessness, and worrying about their loved ones. At the same time, participants who attempted to devote that moment in spiritual belief-related prayer were identified. All participants reported acting out of an instinct for protecting their loved ones. Men frequently mentioned cold weather conditions, negative effects of electricity and internet outages, desperation caused by hearing screaming and crying from everywhere, encountering large amounts of debris, difficulties on transportation roads, and fuel shortages for their vehicles after the evacuation. Regarding the cold weather conditions during the evacuation (snow and rain), the men stated that they had difficulty because they left the evacuation site barefoot (without shoes) and in thin clothing (overnight). On the other hand, many individuals who were evacuated, particularly infants, the elderly, the disabled, and people with chronic diseases, experienced challenges due to the cold weather. Men, when discussing this circumstance, remarked that those who possess a car are particularly advantageous. While there were participants who re-entered the damaged houses due to the cold weather conditions, there were also those who tried to find alternatives to heating by taking those in need of assistance in the car. Men stated that fuel limitation was another significant issue. There were car people who tried to leave the earthquake zone and car people who set out to reach their relatives in the wreckage because vehicles were beginning to get warm and provide shelter. It has been observed that cold weather conditions forced men to make dangerous and hazardous choices. The participant’s views on this situation are as follows:

P8 “There was a storm, it was raining, we had to get a little wet, but then we had to go inside, the ground was still shaking at that time… We had to enter the house”.

P9 “People already went to the assembly areas first, but what can you do in a park at -17/-20 Celsius degrees?”

P7 “My father came, we tried to enter the house. We had nothing on us. My dad said let’s get something. (his father and himself) We entered the house, I guess the cloakroom fell behind the door, we couldn’t open it.”

One participant mentioned that they were trying to find solutions against cold weather. He stated that they were trying to warm up everyone who was aggrieved by lighting a fire in a single-storey shop that was not demolished. Problems on the transportation routes posed an additional obstacle for men trying to reach their relatives. The damage to the transportation roads (the formation of large crevices), the debris blocking the transportation areas, the large pieces of rock disrupting the roads, and the traffic of people trying to reach their relatives have impeded people’s access to other places. Due to difficulties on the transportation roads, the men tried to reach the places where their relatives lived by walking or running. On the other hand, it has been determined that they were trying to reach their relatives by waiting for traffic to open on single-lane roads for an extended period of time and by advocating for the opening of the roads.

P1 “We went towards my grandmother’s house… We saw that many buildings were destroyed, we were driving, but the traffic was too heavy, after a while, there was a lot of rain, we started running again, the traffic was locked… We couldn’t hear from my aunt either. We tried to go there this time, the traffic jammed again, we tried to run…”.

P3 “I tried to go to the village from the bazaar… It was 7–8 km away, we could only go there in 20 minutes, the roads were completely blocked… We went in a bit of panic (he says he was trying to reach his 1-year-old daughter) and everyone was in shock after arriving.”

Due to the damages and destructions in the infrastructure and building stock after the earthquake, there was a shortage of electricity and internet. Men, especially, discussed the challenges they encountered in procuring information due to the internet outage. On the other hand, their experience with an earthquake that affected a large number of individuals and the large amount of detritus due to the destructions in the building stock prompted them to volunteer without hesitation. It has been determined that the participants participated in search and rescue efforts, especially those requiring physical strength, and in the distribution of humanitarian aid voluntarily.

3.2 The difficulties men experienced after the earthquake

In this theme, the situations and difficulties faced by the men after the evacuation of the earthquake were examined. After the evacuation, it was determined that the men spontaneously participated in search and rescue efforts in the wreckage. On the other hand, it was determined that the participants supported the transportation of the injured individuals who were removed from the rubble to the hospital, the protection of the ex bodies, the search for equipment to be used in the wreckage, the help for the burial of the bodies and the distribution of humanitarian aid. The sub-themes in this theme are as follows:

  • Difficulties caused by participating in search and rescue efforts as a spontaneous volunteer.

  • Difficulties in transporting injured earthquake victims to hospitals.

  • Difficulties in assisting with the preservation and burial of bodies.

  • Difficulties in searching for equipment to use in the wreckage.

  • Psychological impact (sleep problems, nightmares, increase in smoking, eating disorders, anger and sadness, resentment and resentment towards life).

The participants expressed that they supported them with the means at hand in order to remove the individuals who were under the rubble. It has been determined that since they could not find professional equipment/materials in the first days, they dug the rubble with their hands, tried to break the concrete with the sledgehammers they found around, and worked for long days to remove the bodies stuck and trapped under the column. While describing these processes, the participants stated that they lost the concept of time in that process, they neglected even their most basic physiological needs such as nutrition and sleep, and they worked with all their strength. The participant views on these processes are as follows:

P1, “I saw a woman upstairs and I went out on the wreckage to see if anyone needed help. A woman said my husband died on my chest, and indeed the woman was under the rubble from the waist down, with a livid body on her chest, and his head was visible. He died, she said, I have a child with me, but I could not see the child and he was under the rubble. I could only see the woman’s chest, she was not in a position to save her, and I couldn’t work. People came, a few people said that help would come, I said she had to be patient.”

P4 “I pulled a child out of the wreckage. You know, the child has passed away, I take the child to his mother, the mother is crying in front of me, and I can’t do anything. It is helplessness”.

P10 “It was the fifth floor; we took him out on our own. It was easy because it was the top floor. We took him out with our own means, there is no material anyway, and since it was the top floor, when we removed a few pieces of concrete, he came out straight.”

P11 “When you look from the ground, it seems easy, when you climb on the wreckage, it is a very different environment, it is difficult to stand, they gave us a pickaxe, we hit it with a pickaxe. Concrete crumbles a little bit but it is very difficult to remove them.”

It was determined that the men who voluntarily participated in the search and rescue work in the wreckage with the means at hand tried to be calm while working in this process, they were emotionally affected by the events they experienced/witnessed, but they carried out the work with a psychological power while carrying out those operations, talk to the people who were left in the wreckage to calm them (until they were removed). On the contrary, it was observed that the men who spoke directly to the injured individuals in the wreckage, struggled to get the trapped individuals out, and brought the ex-bodies out of the wreckage and delivered them to their families endured emotional devastation and physical effects, and were still under the influence of what they had experienced at the time of the interviews, trying to cope psychologically. Nevertheless, none of the participants have yet received professional psychological support. It has been determined that men are currently experiencing sleep disturbances, nightmares, an increase in smoking, eating disorders, unreasonable anger or sorrow, and resentment and anger towards life. Men also expressed that have expressed economic concerns.

The participants expressed their support for the distribution of humanitarian aid because they have a good command of local knowledge. It has been determined that they provide support in the distribution of aid such as transporting food materials for nutritional needs, directing shrouds for funerals, distributing clean water and food, distributing clothes, delivering medicines to those in need. Regarding this issue, the participant shares his views as follows:

P4 “I volunteered for a week with very little sleep, maybe an hour a day. I downloaded the truck and uploaded the truck. I baked bread in the oven and carried water. I brought out a corpse and a burial. I brought a shroud to the hospital. I also made references to teams coming from out of town.”

It was seen that there were participants who had problems in meeting their individual needs. It has been determined that there is a need for clothes especially due to cold weather, and shoes for people who are evacuated without shoes. One of the participants shared that he could not access clothing aids as follows:

P7 “There was an extreme clothing donation for women and children. I’m not saying anything to donators, but they were not for men, so I couldn’t find clothing at all.”

On the other side, the participant shares the feelings he felt during this process as follows:

P7 “Desperation, for example, we simply have money, but we can’t buy gas. We have money but we can’t buy food.”

3.3 The coping capacity of men in the earthquake

After the earthquake, it was observed that men developed solutions to meet their fundamental physiological requirements as part of their coping capacity. This is an expected situation. After a disaster, individuals must meet their physiologically based needs as stated in Maslow’s hierarchy of needs (Şengöz 2022). Coping capacity requires good management of resources both in normal times and in disasters. Participants managed the processes by assuming the roles of meeting shelter needs, accessing clean water, providing psychosocial and material support, and ensuring security. The sub-themes in this theme are as follows:

  • Behaviors of men such as primarily using cars in order to meet the need for shelter,

  • Migrating to different regions from the earthquake area,

  • Creating a tent area with their own means (small club-like structure),

  • Being present at aid distribution points to reach clean water, and.

  • Waiting without sleeping at night due to security concerns were detected.

  • Psychosocial and financial support.

The participants share their views on meeting their shelter needs as follows:

P3 “We saw that the most important thing in this earthquake was the car as the savior. People lived in cars, it was more difficult for people who did not have a car, it was more miserable, the aid came too late, the weather was − 20 Celcius degrees. people who didn’t have a car were really staying outside by the fire by burning wood, there were 6 of us in the car and there was a baby. Since our car was a bit wide, one of the children passed into the trunk. So somehow we went to Kayseri by car, and we fit in the car, we had to fit in.”

The participant, who tried to meet his personal care needs with his own means, shares his views as follows:

P12 “Only personal care needed may be nail clippers in the first 10 days, by the 10th day what we need would be possibility to have a shower, for example, brushing my teeth was what I wanted very much since that day. It corresponded to the ninth day, I was very happy that day, we tried to take care of our shower needs with our own means.”

A participant who tried to go to the hospital for his sister, who was injured during the earthquake, explained the difficulties they experienced during that period. He stated that it was very difficult for them to reach the hospital, and when they did, a part of the hospital was destroyed, and they were sent after making the first intervention. He explained that they traveled to Mersin to the hospital with their own means for advanced medical treatment. On the other hand, men pioneered in supporting their friends. Again, some participants think that it is their duty to support their families. It was determined that they supported their family in finding and placing a rental house outside the earthquake zone, trying to spend time with them as psychosocial and financial support. A participant who supports his family and relatives shares his views as follows:

P6 “We were staying in a small hut-like place that we built with our own means, surrounded by bushes. Extraordinary diseases, the elderly, those with their own disease and there were patients with chronic diseases. This process was more difficult for them.”

Men care about expert support to get rid of the psychological effects of the earthquake and want to get support in the future).

Men talked about the fact that there was a lot of information pollution during the earthquake process, that they had difficulty in accessing the confirmed real information (therefore, there were hesitations in evacuation from the city), and lack of information and coordination. These problems affected the men behaviorally during the earthquake and revealed their indecision, causing them to feel abandoned and alone (Fig. 1). Related to this, the participant shares his views as follows:

Fig. 1
figure 1

Factors affecting men’s coping capacity

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P5 “Now I feel like many years have passed, and I think I’m too worn out. I would like the coordination to be very good that day, and I would also like that if necessary, all lines in Türkiye would be cut that day, only the lines in the earthquake zone would be dealt with. What Türk Telekom, Vodafone, Turkcell said were in this direction. but we didn’t feel that way. We were at the center of the earthquake, you were further away, but you could get more information from us. We would have loved it since we were in the hotspot of the event. To get information, find out what happened first, because that day it was like we were left to our fate.”

3.4 Gender stereotypes in earthquake

Men take on various social roles in both the public and private spheres. Sometimes he is a father, husband or a son, and sometimes he is a businessperson in employment. The sub-themes of this theme are as follows:

  • Perception of strength as a barrier to accessing support.

  • Opportunity for free mobility and doing work that requires physical strength.

  • Tendency to engage in risky behavior.

  • Security provider roles.

It has been observed that men act with traditional gender roles that society expects from them during and after the earthquake, such as acting with the instinct to protect their relatives, roles that ensure the safety of their families and loved ones, and working out that require physical strength; search and rescue operations in the wreckage, distribution of relief materials, search for equipment and crew, appearing cool and strong; focusing on work, free mobility and guiding teams. It is an important finding that the men did not receive any disaster training before, and that the men who participated in the search and rescue operations in the wreckage did not receive urban search and rescue training before, did not gain skills in this regard, and did not have any experience. Because men have taken risks and acted unsafely by entering an area they have never known. Although the disaster volunteering policy is well-known in Türkiye (Disaster and Emergency Management Presidency 2023), it does not receive sufficient attention, and the number of volunteers, particularly for light urban search and rescue activities, who can complete the training and acquire the necessary skills has not attained the desired level. Men were forced to engage in risky and unsafe behavior due to the fact that they were in an area they had never been in before during an earthquake disaster. In fact, one participant got caught in the second earthquake while he was within 4 m of the wreckage and stated that he was confused of what to do. These experiences show that traditional gender roles continue in Türkiye and these roles make men vulnerable in the face of a disaster. The consequences of gender stereotypes in the earthquake are as follows:

  • Assuming that men are physically and emotionally strong prevented them from being directed to psychosocial support after the disaster.

  • The fact that men work in jobs that require physical strength and engage in charity activities with the opportunity of free mobility has reinforced the views of strength among men.

  • The fact that men work without having the training and competence to work in disasters has increased their tendency to engage in risky behavior.

  • It has been observed that men’s role in ensuring the safety of their families is reinforced during and after the disaster.

4 Discussion

Ensuring gender equality (SDG 5), which is one of the goals for sustainable development, is an important perspective in disaster risk reduction studies. The gender equality perspective includes an approach that focuses on considering both women and men. In this framework, gender equality is not only a goal, but also a necessary tool to reduce disaster risks (Enarson and Phillips 2008). In this study, the experiences of male individuals in the earthquakes in Türkiye were examined in depth.

In this study conducted men act with the instinct to protect their relatives (child, mother, spouse) and take precautions to secure them and produce solutions. Men perform more difficult and heavy labor, evacuate people, perform tasks that require physical strength, and participate in the distribution of aid. However, they remain silent when it comes to expressing and meeting their own needs, and they conform to socially constructed roles. In addition to the effect of gender roles on men’s earthquake experiences, opinions were also expressed about how hegemonic masculinity (physical strength, courage, confidence) is shaped within the scope of emergency response studies and what should be done in disaster risk reduction studies. In the literature, the roles assigned to men socially during disasters or non-disaster periods have been mentioned (Luft 2016; Bradshaw2013). It can be evaluated that the social roles assigned to men were fulfilled during the disaster periods as well as in the pre-disaster period. It can be said that the understanding that, according to the patriarchal understanding, the power belongs entirely to men (Chowdhury 2009; Kandiyoti 1988) and Characteristics of hegemonic masculinities (Tyler and Fairbrother 2013; Rushton et al. 2022) has an impact on this situation.

Another important finding in this study is that the majority of participants behaved in accordance with the traditional roles attributed to men in Turkish society. The duties they took on both the evacuation of their own family and the evacuation of their neighbors after the earthquake show that they acted in accordance with the traditional roles assigned to them. On the other hand, it has been determined that they act in accordance with traditional masculine roles such as instructing/directing people within the framework of their knowledge and skills, trying to protect women and their children, trying to control their own emotions, and having free mobility. Many traditional gender roles are seen commonly in Turkish society such as the fact that women are excluded from rescue efforts that require physical strength and courage, the thought that men have a duty to protect them, the limited mobility of women, the duty of men to provide shelters, women’s duty to ensure the hygiene and order of the sheltering area, the people who deliver food being men, and those who cook the food being women (Gündüz 2022). It can be said that hegemonic masculinity characteristics and roles are clearly seen in many events in the literature, as in Turkish culture (Carrington and Scott 2008; Eriksen et al. 2010; Beasley 2008). It is stated that some factors are effective in bringing the behaviors associated with hegemonic masculinity to the fore (Cox et al. 2008; Rushton et al. 2021). It can be stated that men undertake more duties than women in disasters or are at the center of the event, depending on the roles assigned to them and cultural situations. In this context, it can be said that the results of our study and literature studies are similar in terms of men’s behavior in accordance with the roles assigned to them during disasters.

Within the scope of the research, men provided support both in humanitarian aid in air transport and in the sustainability of road transport. Today, developing and technology provides the development of alternative models for transportation routes (Uzun and Sesli 2020). It has been observed that men act by adopting social roles, not only for the physical act of rescuing people in danger, but also for decision-making immediately after the disaster. In the study, it was determined that men, especially those working in the wreckage, acted in risky behaviors, entered the heavily damaged houses and took their belongings, taking into account environmental factors (cold weather, snow and rain), and they did not refrain from taking risks to protect and save their relatives. Within the scope of this research, it was determined that the men who were evacuated especially after the earthquake tremors stopped, risking death due to the cold weather, entered their homes again and went out with their basic needs such as blankets, clothes and shoes. When asked about the reason for this, the answer “We will either die from the cold or die in the wreckage, I had to enter the house.” includes many questions. In this research, the intensity of elements such as strength, courage and heroism drew attention while talking about the experiences in the rescue work in the discourses of the men. The impact of these elements in the rescue work includes all the work, from trying to open/break the doors of neighbors whose doors are jammed after the earthquake, using physical force, to breaking concrete in the rubble, to removing injured and ex-individuals from the rubble. The works mentioned here are not only for men in their own houses or the wreckage of their acquaintances, but wherever they could reach or where needed/for those who were left in the wreckage. Essentially, in line with other studies, hegemonic masculinity characteristics are similar in this study (Greig et al. 2000).

In this study conducted most of the men’s narratives focused on the risks they took to save lives and their rescue actions and behaviors in that process. In accordance with our research findings, men stated that they found solutions through their own efforts in the establishment of safe housing areas, whereas men who had been living with their families in unsafe conditions up until that point stated that they were exhausted and felt powerless. Maintaining hegemonic masculinity during disasters may lead men to neglect their health (Thien and Del Casino 2016). It can be said that the responsibilities undertaken by men lead them to take more risks or neglect themselves.

5 Limitations and strengths

This study has some limitations and strengths. The participants of the study consist only of individuals who have experienced the earthquake disaster. This may lead to men’s experiences in other types of disasters being ignored. Since participation in the study was solely voluntary, statements regarding experiences were limited to participant statements. Since the research was designed using qualitative method, it is not possible to generalize the findings and results. Despite the stated limitations, the study has strengths. The fact that the study is the first to investigate men’s experiences in earthquake disasters in Turkish culture is considered a strength.

6 Conclusion

In disasters, men take more risks due to their cultural and masculine characteristics. Social roles cause men to take on more duties during disasters. In terms of disaster risk reduction objectives and actions, the findings obtained within the framework of the difficulties encountered by men during the earthquake, coping strategies, and the impact of gender roles can be evaluated. Depending on the culture and norms of other societies, the results may vary. Therefore, investigating the gender role in disasters can guide the development of disaster management policies by highlighting the need for gender-sensitive disaster risk reduction strategies and indicators.