Introduction

Our understanding of seventeenth-century English drama has benefitted from the burgeoning interest in manuscript culture in recent years, which has resulted in revised methodological approaches to scholarly editions, informative case-studies of early dramatic composition, performance, and reception, and an expansion of the corpus of dramatic manuscripts. In Early modern playhouse manuscripts and the editing of Shakespeare (2012), Paul Werstine challenged some of the methodological principles of the new bibliography and its fundamental categories of dramatic manuscripts (Greg’s differences between foul paper manuscripts and prompt books).Footnote 1 He provided insight into playhouse practices in Shakespeare’s time by drawing on extant dramatic manuscripts and annotated quartos,Footnote 2 and argued for varied possibilities for the nature of printers’ copies: “authorial MS, MS by a theatrical scribe, or MS by a non-theatrical scribe” (231). A further revision of editorial practices was put forward by James Purkis in Shakespeare and manuscript drama (2016). Purkis discussed the composition of theatrical texts and their revision for performance, with an emphasis on collaborative dramatic writing, by examining palaeographical evidence in sixteenth and seventeenth-century manuscripts.Footnote 3 More recently the collection of essays edited by Tamara Atkin and Laura Estill, Early British drama in manuscript (2019), has shed light on manuscript plays by addressing questions pertaining to dramatic composition, performance and reception, as well as presenting technological advances in the study of these texts.Footnote 4

Furthermore, a number of scholars have broadened the formerly relatively stable corpus of plays, showing that the field of seventeenth-century manuscript plays is copious and deserves further study: some recent incorporations are two plays by Cosmo Manuche, The banished shepherdess (c. 1659–1661) and The feast (1664); Thomas Heywood’s The destruction of Hierusalem; Feniza or the ingeniouse mayde (c. mid-1660 s), possibly by George Digby, second earl of Bristol; Aphra Behn’s The Dutch lady (c. 1670 s); and a manuscript fragment of an undated play by Sir Thomas Higgons.Footnote 5 To this list, a lesser-known piece by a minor author can be added: Charles Davenant’s Paris’s choice (1670), whose sole witness is the MS Rawlinson poetical 84, a miscellany of English and Latin poems and songs held at the Bodleian Library, Oxford University.

These specimens of playtexts bears testimony to the survival of manuscript culture in the seventeenth century and its relevance long after the spread of the printed book. The printed medium did not absorb the manuscript format, the latter being preferred in certain contexts. The manuscript miscellany, for instance, played a major role in the transmission of poetry, since most poems first appeared in manuscript collections including compositions by an assortment of authors (Love 5, 1993). At the universities, for example, miscellanies were passed from reader to reader and readers could contribute to them by simply copying a text which might interest the target audience.Footnote 6 As pointed out by Harold Love and Arthur Marotti (2003), in colleges “the quill maintained its primacy” well into the seventeenth century and “literary works... continued throughout to be circulated primarily in handwritten copies”.Footnote 7 Certainly, some early modern university students would find it more problematic—and expensive—to have access to a printing press than to compile a manuscript miscellany. Scribal circulation had the advantage of making the texts available to readers at a shorter time span, even before the work in question was fully completed.

As a matter of fact, some sixteenth and seventeenth-century poems remained unpublished and others were printed in relatively corrupt forms, hence the value of manuscript miscellanies for textual editors and researchers on the copying and circulation of poetry.Footnote 8 In addition, the selection of texts in miscellanies is indicative of the general preferences of certain milieux—which makes them fruitful for a reassessment of the literary canon—and may even bear political significance.Footnote 9 A comparison of the texts copied by a single contributor to a miscellany can be informative of how poems and literary texts were compiled and transmitted within coteries.

Charles Davenant’s Paris’s choice (1670) seems to have been composed and performed while Davenant studied at Oxford. The text can cast light on Restoration university plays, a dramatic subgenre which has generally been left outside the time scope of early modern university drama studies. In fact, the two most comprehensive projects of transcription of dramatic activity linked to the universities, Alan H. Nelson’s Records of Early English Drama: Cambridge (1989) and John R. Elliott, Jr, et al.’s Records of Early English Drama: Oxford (2004), contain texts dated before 1642.Footnote 10 One of the few critical editions of post-Restoration university drama is Joshua Barnes' The academie, dated 1675, by Alan Swanson (2011). Research on university and other forms of amateur drama is a flourishing field, but most scholars do not taken into consideration the second half of the seventeenth century.Footnote 11

With the aim of contributing to the study of manuscript transmission and amateur university play production, in this article I provide information on the Bodleian MS Rawlinson poet. 84, a discussion of Paris’s choice, its plausible context of composition and stage history, and a semi-diplomatic transcription of the play-text. My transcription and analysis can be of interest to the fields of textual studies, authorship and play composition, and early modern theatre history.

The Manuscript and the Copyist of Paris’s Choice

Charles Davenant was born into one of the leading families of the Restoration theatrical scene: he was the eldest son of Sir William Davenant by his third wife, Henrietta Maria du Tremblay (Hoppit, 2006). Davenant Junior is known to have followed in his father’s footsteps only briefly before turning to political economy. He wrote a dramatic opera, Circe, which was staged by the Duke’s Company in May 1677 at the Dorset Garden Theatre in London (Van Lennep, 1960, 256–257). This is the only piece by Charles Davenant included in catalogues of Restoration drama and related bibliographies. Paris’s choice is listed in none of the main registers of seventeenth-century play production: Nicoll’s A History of English drama (1952), Harbage’s Annals of English drama, or Van Lennep’s The London stage.Footnote 12 The play is nonetheless mentioned in Madan’s nineteenth-century descriptive catalogue of the Bodleian manuscripts, Waddell’s doctoral thesis on Davenant’s works on politics and economics (1954), and Larson’s recent monograph on early modern songs.Footnote 13

The miscellany, Bodleian MS Rawlinson poet. 84, has been studied by manuscript scholars. It appears multiple times in Beal’s Index of English literary manuscripts, 1450–1700 Beal, P. et al. (1980–1993) under the works of different authors, those of Charles Davenant’s not being included. Based on internal evidence, Beal claims that the manuscript was tied to the Paulet family and that it came into the possession of “one Egigius Frampton” in 1659 (see, for instance, 1.1.93). Hobbs has analysed its contents and the inclusion of these in other early seventeenth century manuscript miscellanies, concluding that the collection was gathered at New College, Oxford (Verse miscellany manuscripts 1992, 90).Footnote 14 The link to the Paulets is based on the inclusion of an anagram on the name Francis Pawlet, who might have been the originator of the miscellany. Perhaps this was Francis Poulett, son to John, Baron Poulett, who enrolled at Exeter College on April 20th, 1632 (Foster, 1891 3: 1188), a date concordant with the contents of the volume.Footnote 15 Moreover, the manuscript contains a poem by William Cartwright celebrating Lady Powlet’s needlework (“To the right vertuous the ladie Elizabeth Powlet,” f. 90v-r rev.), although her identity remains unknown.Footnote 16 The identification of the compiler is hindered by the presence of two dated signatures on the last page, which most probably point to other owners and contributors of the miscellany: one is by Giles Frampton, dated 1659, and the other by a certain “R. N.,” dated 1663 (f. 123v).Footnote 17 Significantly, both Frampton and Davenant were students at Balliol College (Oxford), even possibly at the same time according to the information provided in Clark’s lists (which is based on the Registers and Bursars’ Books of Balliol College). Frampton was admitted in August 1661 and Davenant in July 1671, but Frampton’s name occurs on Clark’s Lists until 1672.Footnote 18

Fig. 1
figure 1

MS Rawlinson poetical 84, folio 123v. Signatures by Giles Frampton and “R. N.” This item is reproduced by permission of the Bodleian Library, Oxford

The miscellany can be considered a fair copy, for most texts are neatly copied, and insertions and errors are rare. It is written from both ends, although with several blank leaves in the middle, in at least four different hands. These are seventeenth-century secretary and mixed hands, which suggests that several scribes contributed to the collection, most probably at different stages, for some pages contain texts written in several hands, as if another had filled the space left by the first (examples of this can be found in ff. 1r-v, 9r, 10v, 23r-v, 22v, 39r, 43r, 46r, 49r and 123r).Footnote 19 Hand A writes a rapid, careless seventeenth-century mixed hand and is responsible for a flyleaf with a fragment of a poem on the inside of the front cover and the texts on ff. 1r-v, 4v-7v, 9r-10r, 22r-24v, 37r-40v, 43r, 44r-47v, 49r, 122v and 123r. He filled in the blanks left by hand B, even those in the margins, such as on f. 10r. Hand A uses common abbreviations and, even though his handwriting seems hasty, the texts are neat and written in straight lines. Hand B, who seems to have been the first contributor, copied the largest number of texts, from f. 1r-4r, 46r-120v.Footnote 20 He writes in a late secretary hand and a round italic for headlines, with ornate capital letters. There are no abbreviations and the texts are also neat and the lines straight. Hand C uses a careful seventeenth-century mixed hand that looks almost professional and is responsible for the text of Paris’s choice. The lines are straight, the writing is neat and abbreviations are limited. He contributed the texts on ff. 8r-44v and left some blank spaces in some pages which were filled in by hand A (ff. 9r-v). Hand D intervenes only once in the volume (f. 121r.) and writes a late secretary hand (See Fig. 2). The text is clean, except for a few corrections and insertions, but it has been crossed out. The inside of the back cover contains a flyleaf by Richard Rawlinson, who writes in a round hand, and Giles Frampton wrote at least a short inscription on f. 123r (Fig. 3, 4).

Fig. 2
figure 2

MS Rawlinson poetical 84, folio 121v. Hand D. This item is reproduced by permission of the Bodleian Library, Oxford

Fig. 3
figure 3

MS Rawlinson poetical 84, folio 4v. Hand A. This item is reproduced by permission of the Bodleian Library, Oxford

Fig. 4
figure 4

MS Rawlinson poetical 84, folio 2r. Hand B. This item is reproduced by permission of the Bodleian Library, Oxford

The text of Paris’s choice is copied on ff. 33v-29r and it is surrounded by other contemporary texts in the same hand (hand C’s). The handwriting is neat and clean: insertions and deletions are brief and scarce, although abbreviations become more frequent towards the end, as if the writer was eager to finish the task. Therefore, it seems that the text was not written from scratch but copied. The play-text is preceded by a sort of title-page, featuring a cast of actors, the name of the author and the date 1670, which might be the date of composition.Footnote 21 When copying other texts (for example, when reproducing the two other dramatic texts, The humours of Monsieur Galliard and Jenkin’s love-course and perambulation) hand C does not provide a date. Given the inclusion of a cast of actors, one of them being Davenant himself and the other names coinciding with students at Oxford, it is likely that Paris’s choice was produced for a university festivity not long after this date. The dating is also consistent with the biographical facts known about Giles Frampton.

Fig. 5
figure 5

MS Rawlinson poetical 84, folio 33v. Hand C. This item is reproduced by permission of the Bodleian Library, Oxford

We may wonder if hand C corresponds to Charles Davenant himself, although it would seem rather surprising that he had such an expertise in the use of the quill at the age of thirteen. An examination of his correspondence did not prove determinant, since all his extant letters date from the 1700s. Figure 6 shows Davenant’s final salutation and signature of a letter sent to his son in 1703 (Lansdowne MS 773/1, 1703; British Library), in which the letters e in “affectionate,” “father” and “Davenant” are characterised by a curving stroke going upwards, similar to a flourish. However, this distinctive feature does not appear in the name “Davenant” written on the first page of Paris’s choice (Fig. 5). Yet, even if these hands seem very different from one another, the large time span separating the texts needs to be taken into account.Footnote 22

Fig. 6
figure 6

Lansdowne MS 773/1, folio 6v. Letter from Charles Davenant to his son Henry Davenant, dated February 1st, 1703. This item is reproduced by permission of the British Library, London

All aspects considered, a plausible hypothesis regarding the provenance of Bodleian MS Rawl. poet. 84 and the identity of its contributors is that the miscellany was started by Francis Poulett sometime after 1632, then owned by Giles Frampton, an Oxford student, who later handed it down to “R. N.”Footnote 23 The fact that Frampton coincided with Davenant at Balliol college accounts for the inclusion of Paris’s choice, its copyist being Frampton, Davenant himself or someone else. What is certain is that in February 1728 the manuscript came into the hands of Richard Rawlinson, who bequeathed it to the Bodleian Library at some point during his lifetime or after his death with the rest of his collections in the mid-1750s.Footnote 24

The Contents of the Manuscript

The Bodleian MS Rawlinson poet. 84 is “predominantly New College in its contents” (Hobbs, Verse miscellany manuscripts 1992, 90), for it comprises poems by several alumni, such as John Selden, Ralph Bathurst, Dr. Alexander Gill and the earl of Clarendon. It also contains an elegy (“To the eternall memory of that patterne of puritie of life, charitye, candour, & learning, the most infinitely lamented Mr Humphry May Lately fellow of Wiston Coll.,” f. 99v-r rev.) by Thomas Flatman, who was a student at Winchester College (22nd September 1649) and New College (11th September 1654), and an anonymous translation of the Anacreontea 35 set to music by William King, organist of New College (‘Cupid once a-weary grown,’ f. 27v).Footnote 25 Some texts are concerned with events related to the college, such as a fragment entitled “On the wall in New Colledge cloyster” (f. 1v) and the anonymous “On the bells of New Colledge in Oxon. lately were molded, and from 5 turn’d into eight” (f. 105v rev.).Footnote 26 The texts which were included in printed collections were first issued in the mid-1650 s and 1660 s. A small proportion of poems were published in the 1630 s and 1640 s, although they were easily accessible in the following decades. Other poems allude to events which took place in the first half of the seventeenth century, such as the assassination of the duke of Buckingham in 1628 (f. 70r rev.; ff. 74r-73v rev.), or the execution of the marquess of Montrose in 1650 (ff. 109v-r rev.), while others can be dated to the second half of 1660 s, for instance, a poem praising the Lady Frances Stuart, duchess of Richmond, and the prologue to the anonymous play The four hours’ adventure (1663).Footnote 27

The copyist of Davenant’s Paris’s choice, hand C, was one of the major contributors to the miscellany. His handwriting first appears on f. 8r, although it sometimes coexists with a different hand in subsequent folios, for example on ff. 9r-v, and 10r (see Fig. 7). Some of the texts that he copied are related by date or content, which reinforces the hypotheses of the dating of the play and the ownership of the manuscript. Davenant’s play is followed by several poems, although the ink of these texts is slightly faded when compared to the play, which suggests that they might have been copied at a different time. The first poem—which is on f. 28v—is Waller’s “To a Lady” (‘Nothing lies hid from radiant eyes’).Footnote 28 Waller’s poem is contemporary with Davenant’s play and it was first printed in 1668, although the version in Bodleian MS Rawl. poet. 84 presents minor differences.Footnote 29 This poem is followed by a brief extract from a pastoral dialogue of unknown author (‘Welcome, sweet deity whose irradiant eyes’). The third text is Thomas Flatman’s elegy, “To the eternall memory of that patterne of puritie of life” (‘Weep Reader! And begone, cease gazeing here’).

Fig. 7
figure 7

Bodleian MS Rawlinson poetical 84, folio 10r. Hand A and C. This item is reproduced by permission of the Bodleian Library, Oxford

Two other texts by unknown authors are copied in the same hand on f. 28r, an anagram on Edward Seymour (‘Exact must be ye art whose fancy can’) and a catch (‘In a season all oppressed’). As for the texts that precede Paris’s choice, these are three unknown poems all appearing on f.34r and the third occupying the upper part of f.33v too: “A prophesy yt was lately founde written in a plate of brases in Tolestoone in Kent” (‘When Britton bold of Spanish race’), “Written over ye whispering place at Glocester church” (‘Doubt not but God who sits on high’) and “A call to death” (‘Come, come yu King of terrors, for I crave’). Hand C is also responsible for the translation of the Anacreontea 35, and this is its only known copy.

As for the texts copied by other hands, it is worth mentioning one by hand A headed “A song by Charles Davenant” (‘If Cupid e’er my heart doth steal’, on ff. 22v-23r), this being the only known copy.Footnote 30 The same hand is responsible for a poem (‘Go, turn away your cruel eyes’, f. 123r), which is inscribed “I, Captaine Cooke, Mrs Barbara Syms,” this also being the sole witness. Moreover, a poem on ff. 39r-40v is entitled “Mrs Ba. Syms’s song” (‘Doe thy worst spitefull Love’), which was also set to music by Captain Cooke. Captain Henry Cooke was master of the Children of the Chapel Royal until his death in 1672 and Henry Purcell was among his pupils (Dennison and Wood, 2021). Cooke had formerly collaborated with Sir William Davenant in The siege of Rhodes (1656), for which he composed the score, together with Henry Lawes, Matthew Locke, Charles Coleman and George Hudson. The inclusion of these songs by Captain Cooke, together with the text of Paris’s choice and the song by Davenant, suggests that the copyist (hand C) was familiar with the production of both of them and might have been close to them too. In fact, since these are the only extant copies of the texts, hand C might have obtained them from the authors, or from someone close to them.

The Play

Paris’s choice is a comic play representing the judgement which triggered off the abduction of Helen and the War of Troy. The piece is brief: the text occupies less than five complete pages and the first is intended as a title-page. It is written for the most part in verse (in rhyming couplets), except for the first scene and part of the last one, which are in prose and have a more comical and sarcastic tone.Footnote 31 Young Davenant shows a concern for balance as regards the number of characters: there are seven main characters and fourteen secondary characters. The first include Paris, three goddesses (Juno, Pallas and Venus) and three gods (Jupiter, Vulcan, and Momus). The second group comprises eight cyclops, Cupid, the three Graces, and the cup-bearers of the gods, Ganymede and Hebe. The role of the latter in the plot is minimal: they appear only for the final scene and they are given no speeches. The cyclops sing a song (whose lyrics are included in the text) and dance to it, and they are afterwards joined by the other secondary characters.

Although the play contains no explicit division into acts or scenes, according to the stage directions and the changes in time and setting, Paris’s choice can be divided in three acts plus the epilogue. In the first act, the incident which initiates the main conflict is introduced: when asked about the deafening sounds, Vulcan explains to Momus that the goddesses Juno, Pallas and Venus are quarrelling about who is the most beautiful. The entrance of Jupiter and the goddesses brings about a change from prose to verse. Juno requests that Jupiter be the judge, hoping that, being his wife, he will choose her. But the father of the gods refers the decision to someone who can be impartial and instructs Momus to take the goddesses to Mount Ida so that Paris can judge.

The second act introduces the rising action. It opens with the appearance of the youthful Paris, who is daunted by the task conferred upon him. One after another each goddess attempts to influence his decision by offering him special gifts. Juno endeavours to captivate him with the prospect of overwhelming dominance: “the powerfulst Monarchs shall not dare oppose / to wear the yoke which Paris shall impose” (f. 31v). Pallas tries to tempt him with wisdom: she will reveal to him “the unknown nature of the Gods” and “the cause Neptune does eb [sic] and flow: / problems which mortals never could resolve” (f. 31r). Finally, Venus’s turn comes: she wittily begins her speech by pointing to the pains that the offerings of the others will cause Paris: “wise men and kings their joyes / can fearcely taste … The one is troubled with perpetuall fear of looseing what already by his sword / He has attain’d … What profitts wisedome? … wise men the more they know, they thinck they know less than before” (f. 31r-30v). Then she lures him with the love of Helen, “the fayrest Nymph great nature ere hath form’d” (f. 30v). The climax comes without delay: Paris makes his choice by weighing, not the enticement of the goddesses’ rewards, but rather their prospective reprisals. He decides to award the golden ball to Venus, out of fear that she would blind him and, as he observes: “make me captive to a face by time Ruined; the subject of the poet’s rime” (f. 30v).

The third and final act presents the denouement and takes place in Vulcan’s forge. Vulcan is overjoyed by Paris’s verdict, because the fact that his wife has been preferred over the goddesses indicates his own superiority: “why not Vulcan before all the gods?” (f. 30r), he argues. He prepares an entertainment to celebrate this triumph: once he has gathered his guests, the cyclops sing and dance. Then, at Venus and Jupiter’s request, Cupid, the three Graces, Ganymede and Hebe join them and they all dance. The epilogue is spoken by Momus in the company of Vulcan, who was acted by Charles Davenant himself. It is intended to propitiate the audience through humour. Indeed, Momus apologises in Vulcan’s name explaining that “his verses like himself are lame” (f. 29r), “lame” meaning “halting,” but also alluding to the characterisation of the god as limping in Homer’s works.

Davenant is faithful to the myth, although he makes certain changes in the plot and the characters for comical purposes. One of these concerns the role of the messenger of the gods, which in Davenant’s version is not given to Hermes but Momus, the Greek god of mockery and sarcasm. The substitution is quite significant since Momus and Vulcan are the prime sources of amusement and laughter: through them, the author conveys a combination of epigrammatic humour building on mythology and wordplay. In addition to the joke at the expense of Vulcan in the epilogue, this can be illustrated briefly by the manner in which Momus refers to the goddesses in the first scene:

Vulcan. Why there’s Juno the Queen of heaven.

Momus. Oi[,] there is a thundering tongue indeed. Shee’l spit fire and lightening as scoulds use

       to doe. But who is there besides?

Vulcan. That’s Pallas too.

Momus. What! Jove’s brain-born-bratt, the Goddess of war. Does she let her squibs and crackers

       flie about here? But are there noe more?

Vulcan. Yes, there’s my monkey too, the Goddess of beauty forsooth.

Momus. What[!] That sea-born-salt-salatious-flutt? Vulcan[,] you two agree like fire and water,

       what didst it mean to take such a hollow bubble, a frothy-foaming-slutt? Her birth shews

       what her beauty is a mere bubble, toucht and ‘tis broken, but let it pass, what is this noise

       among ‘em? (f. 33r)

The association between Juno and thunder plays on her relationship with Jupiter, while the jokes on Pallas and Venus rely on their mythological births. These instances show that knowledge of classical mythology is presupposed on part of the audience (which at the time was relatively common among the educated), and the misogynistic humour was certainly intended for a male audience.

Davenant’s Paris’s choice has been labelled a “masque” in the descriptions of the MS Rawlinson poet. 84 (the Summary catalogue and CELM) and also by Larson, probably on account of its mythological setting and the inclusion of a dancing scene at the end.Footnote 32 However, this term does not match the humour and tone of Paris’s choice, and a number of factors point to a university play instead. Davenant’s piece lacks a solemn message of intellectual or political significance aimed at celebrating and reinforcing royal authority. Even though there is a speech in which the image of the powerful conquering monarch is evoked, with stress on the political and intellectual significance of royal authority, and another praising the superiority of reason over corporeal passions,Footnote 33 these discourses are contradicted by Paris’s decision, for he refuses Juno’s offering to dominate any opposing army, as well as Pallas’s, who tries to win him with universal wisdom. In the end, love and desire triumph over political ambition, power, wealth, and wisdom, and the denouement is not moralising, but comic in intention. Paris’s decision to appoint Venus as the winner of the contest is made out of fear of public ridicule: he fears that the goddess of love will subject him to mockery, making him choose an old, ugly woman for a wife. Furthermore, the play does not feature a character representing authority, for the one who could have assumed this role, Jupiter, chooses to delegate it to Paris, as a means to avoid the potential consequences of his decision. Neither is there textual evidence pointing to a lavish entertainment featuring impressive scenery. In fact, some of the more complex scenes and changes of setting have been eliminated, such as the journey to Mount Ida. The settings are limited to three spaces: Vulcan’s forge (Act 1), Mount Ida (Act 2) and the Parnassus (Act 3), where the trial takes place. Moreover, stage directions are minimal, which seems to point to a lack of an elaborate scenery, and there are no indications about the choreography of the final dancing scene.

The differences become more evident if we compare Davenant’s play to an earlier masque on the same mythological subject: George Peele’s The arraignment of Paris, which was written for the Children of the Chapel and performed at court before Queen Elizabeth between 1581 and 1584. Peele’s play, written in rhyming couplets, combines mythological and pastoral elements to represent the legend of the judgement of Paris and was intended to celebrate the queen’s beauty and virtue. In Peele’s work, Paris’s decision prompts Juno and Pallas to accuse him of unfair bias and they take him to trial before the Roman gods. However, the debate cannot be resolved and Paris is sent to Troy to his tragic destiny. In the final scene, the dispute is referred to Diana, who evades the choice by awarding the golden apple to the nymph Eliza, who represents the queen herself. The play culminates with Diana’s encomium of the queen, which is charged with patriotic themes: the praise of the monarch, the greatness of her kingdom or the legendary link between England and Troy. By choosing Eliza as the solver of the discord, Queen Elizabeth is portrayed as the guarantor of order and the protector of her subjects. Peele’s masque includes a more numerous cast than Davenant’s, with twelve gods and goddesses, thirteen minor divinities, eight mortals and several secondary characters; the action takes place in Mount Ida, and is divided into five acts and multiple scenes. The play includes dancing, music, songs, lyrical interludes, set speeches, and the tone is more elevated, with a language filled with “rhetorical flourishes and metaphorical adornments” (Clemen, 2011: 264). Peele resorts to this mythological episode to introduce an ethico-political debate through allegories of love, power and chivalry, and produces a nationalist discourse: “Elizabeth’s new Troy reverses the tragic doom of the old because her chastity embodies that national inviolability against which it had been Paris’ crime to transgress” (Butler, 1990: 133). The differences between Peele’s and Davenant’s versions of this mythological episode are manifold, to the extent that it may be doubted that Davenant resorted to Peele’s masque as a direct source.

Davenant’s Paris’s choice is a hybrid play: despite the mythological subject, the inclusion of songs and a dance, the type of humour is more consistent with university drama and it seems to be based on a tradition different from masques. Most college plays were influenced by Italian neoclassical comedy and their purpose was to educate and entertain. Davenant’s piece includes several features to delight an audience of university men—the songs, the dancing, the combination of light and witty humour, the mythological allusions—, while offering elements of an exemplary discourse, despite the fact that in the end the hero acts against reason, moved by desire and the prospect of loving the most beautiful woman.

Even though the legend of Troy was widely known in educated circles through different versions and adaptations, based on the subject and the tone of the play, Davenant may well have used Lucian’s The judging of the goddesses as his main source. The satirist from Samosata (ca. 120–190 CE) approached the subject with sardonic humour, exposing human faults and follies through mythological characters who are deprived of their supernatural grandeur and instead become the target of general ridicule. Following criticism of the gods by major authors, such as Homer, Hesiod and the Homeric Hymns, Lucian seeks to amuse his readers with lively dialogue and absurd behaviours, which he combines with some touches of mythological culture (see MacLeod, 1991: 10–14).Footnote 34 Davenant resorts to similar literary strategies: the Olympian gods are portrayed with human frailties (the goddesses, for instance, are envious, proud and malicious), the dialogue is filled with puns (as the previous examples show), the mythological subject is treated with novelty—for, even if Lucian offers a model, Davenant displays originality to some extent by reworking a classical episode and resorting to irreverence.

Davenant introduces a number of changes, possibly due to theatrical necessities. The first comic scene in which Momus and Vulcan complain about the noise of the gossiping, with the comic references to the English having “codpieces good enough” (f. 33r) and the puns on the birth of the goddesses, is Davenant’s invention. In Lucian’s original, the story begins when Jupiter (Zeus) asks Hermes to fetch Paris to make his judgment, whereas in Davenant’s play Momus is the one who suggests choosing Paris as judge. In the original, Paris is chosen for similar reasons: he is “handsome … and also well schooled in all that concerns love,” “ingenuous and unsophisticated” (385). Overall, the humour of Davenant’s piece is less coarse and cleverer: for instance, Paris does not ask the goddesses to undress to inspect them individually before making his decision. The reasons argued by the goddesses to tempt Paris are similar, although Davenant expands on the details of Hera’s (Juno) and Athena’s (Pallas) offerings, but not on Aphrodite’s (Venus). In Lucian, the goddess of love elaborates on the description of Helen of Sparta, mentioning that she was the daughter of Leda and Zeus, that as a girl she had been captured by Theseus and then was married to Menelaus; Aphrodite even reassures Paris that, with the help of the gods of love and desire, Helen will fall in love with him and agree to elope. Paris only chooses Aphrodite once the goddess has promised him to help him seduce Helen and the dialogue ends abruptly with Paris giving her the apple.

Despite the differences in the plot and tone, it is possible that Davenant relied on a French contemporary translation of Lucian’s Dialogues by Perrot d’Ablancourt (1654), which contains the episode.Footnote 35 The first editions of Lucian’s writings in English are Jasper Mayne and Francis Hicks’s, which were printed jointly in 1664, but The judgement of the goddesses is not included.Footnote 36Lucian’s works became widely available after the first edition of 1496 and particularly after Aldine’s version of his dialogues in 1503. The latter was used by Erasmus and Sir Thomas More for their Latin translations (albeit incomplete) and it had an influence on their own pieces, such as Erasmus’s Praise of folly (1511) and Colloquies (1522–1533) and More’s Utopia (1516). Davenant may well have read Lucian’s dialogue in a translation or an English adaptation and was most likely well familiarised with Greek themes and myths, given its influence on seventeenth century literature and his later literary production.Footnote 37

The Performance

Internal evidence suggests that the play was produced at Oxford in the early 1670s. First, the text indicates that Davenant composed it in the year 1670 and that the author himself played the role of Vulcan. Given that he matriculated in Oxford only a year later and that all the characters (even the goddesses) were performed by men, it must have been a university production.Footnote 38 It seems likely that Davenant wrote Paris’s choice for academic purposes, perhaps for a university occasion. At the universities, there were revelling traditions, which included the staging of plays and masques, sometimes as part of a Christmas feasting (Butler, 1990: 152). Other occasions for such entertainments were royal visits, but these were not very frequent.

Although the scope of Davenant’s studies at Oxford cannot be determined because he left without taking a degree, he was a resident student at Balliol for four years and he was able to obtain an LL.D. from Cambridge, by incorporation from Oxford (Hoppit, 2006). The writing of Paris’s choice may have been the product of a course assignment, as the study of the humanities was an important requirement for students in civil law: according to the university statutes, before starting the study of law, students had to apply themselves for two years “to logic, moral philosophy, and politics, and other humane literature” (Ward, 1845:115). John Elliott explains that, even though drama had no formal faculty at Oxford, art students were compelled to write a play in order to obtain their BA (180).Footnote 39 These plays were quasi-curricular in colleges such as Christ Church, whose undergraduates were required to give annual performances of two comedies and two tragedies, one of each pair in Latin and the other in Greek. As Elliott (1995) argues, these plays “reflected the humanist conception of the practical value that drama was thought to have in the training of young men for public life, either in the church or the state” (180). The educational function of drama consisted in broadening the skills of preachers, orators and statesmen in the classical style.

The inclusion of the actors’ names suggests that Davenant’s piece was acted, most probably on one of the two annual festive occasions for which plays were written and produced by students in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, as described by Elliott. The first of these social events were the festivities for the Christmas holidays which took place in the colleges and served to occupy the students, given that travel was difficult and even limited by the colleges’ rules (Elliott, 1995: 182).Footnote 40 There is evidence in the text of Paris's choice to support this hypothesis, such as the song of the cyclops, which deals with the need for rest. What is more, another of the names in the cast, John Parks (Pallas), is listed as a student at Balliol college in the early 1670s. Therefore, it is possible that Davenant’s play was intended for a holiday celebration that took place at Balliol between 1671 and sixteen 1673, although five names in the cast remain unidentified.Footnote 41

The second occasion for amateur dramatic entertainments, yet more ambitious and ceremonial than the first, were official royal visits. At such times, Elliot explains, “actors … were usually drawn from all the colleges combined” (184). There are no records of royal visits to Oxford in the 1670s, at least officially, but when the search for the actors in Paris’s choice is enlarged beyond Balliol, two other names can be identified: William Langston (Juno) and William Smith (Jupiter). According to Foster’s Alumni Oxonienses, Langston matriculated at Christ Church in June 1673 (2: 622). The identity of William Smith is more difficult to ascertain due to the commonness of the name: out of the many William Smith in Foster’s records, there is one student at University College who obtained his BA in 1672 (4: 1383–1384). Perhaps theatre performances casting students from different colleges could be organised under other circumstances, and not necessarily for an official visit of the monarch.

Considering his family’s tight links to the theatre, it is only to be expected that young Charles Davenant should have taken an interest in drama and aspired to imitate his father. In fact, before becoming a political economist, he wrote an English opera inspired on a Greek legend, Circe. Given the emphasis on the study of the humanities and the writing of drama at Oxford, Davenant seized the opportunity to cultivate his literary interests by writing a short play and songs. The writing of Paris’s choice gave him the chance to explore Greek mythology and adapt it to a different context by introducing theatrical features (dialogues, dance and music) and modifying its humour and tone to suit the taste of his audience. Moreover, Davenant participated actively in his creation by playing one of the main characters, which for sure gave him a fuller perspective of writing and staging a spectacle, which he later used only six years later in his more developed work Circe (1677).

Transcription of Charles Davenant’s Paris’s Choice (1670)

In the following semi-diplomatic transcription, original scribal abbreviations are retained; i/j and u/v have been regularised; ff at the beginning of a word is transcribed as F. Square brackets show editorial additions, noting folio numbers, and occasionally clarifying an odd spelling or punctuation. Minuscule letters at the beginning of a sentence have been replaced with the corresponding majuscule without using brackets. A limited number of editorial notes have been added. The line numbers are editorial: these restart at the beginning of each scene and include stage directions. The act and scene number is indicated at the first line of each scene.

[f. 33v]

Paris’s Choice

Dramatis personae

Jupiter

Will. Smith

Momus

Tho. Fothergill

Vulcan

Charles D’Avenant

Paris

Nich. Cutler

Juno

Will. Langston

Pallas

John Parks

Venus

Rich. Fothergill

Cyclopes octo

3 Graces

Ganymede

Hebe

Cupid

 

Composed by—Charles D’Avenant

son to Sr. Will. D’Avenant

(Anno Ætatis 13)

1670

[f. 33r]

ACT I, SCENE 1

A noise within

1

Juno. [Within] Your beauty shall not carry it away soe

Pallas. [Within] Nor shall ye imperious Queene of heaven have it

Venus. [Within] Wit and fair words shall not bear away ye bet

 

Enter Momus and Vulcan

Momus. Heigh day, what’s this noise within? Are all the Cyclopian hammers danceing a jigg on ye Anvill?

5

Vulcan. Yes[,] yes. They are at worke this morning, and the knaves shall worke hard. ‘Tis for ye English, we are makeing headpieces for them. ‘Tis a nation alwayes well armed, but they want headpeices, I’me sure they have codpeeces good enough, but yts not ye matter

10

Momus. What is’t then?

Vulcan. ‘Tis a Gossiping

Momus. In ye name of Lucina what a gossiping! All the Jew’s trumps, rattles, and drums in

 

Bartholomew fairFootnote 42 make not halfe soe much noise, as you shall heare at a gossiping. I had rather heare all ye bells in ye city rung backwards, than to heare a company of gossip’s clappers ring their rounds, but who are at this gossiping?

Vulcan. Why there’s Juno ye Queen of heaven

Momus. Oi[,] there is a thundering tongue indeed. Shee’l spit fire and lightening as scoulds

use to doe. But who is there besides?

15

20

Vulcan. That’s Pallas too

Momus. What! Jove’s brain-born-bratt, ye Goddess of war. Does she let her squibs and crackers flie about here? But are there noe more?

Vulcan. Yes, there’s my monkey too, ye Goddess of beauty forsooth

 

Momus. What[!] That sea-born-salt-salatious-slutt?Footnote 43 Vulcan[,] you two agree like fire and water, what didst it mean to take such a hollow bubble, a frothy-foaming-slutt? Her birth shows what her beauty is a mere bubble, toucht and ‘tis broken, but let it pass, wht is this noise among ‘em?

Vulcan. Why, over a cup of claretFootnote 44 and an orange [f. 32v] there arose a contention who should have ye orange

25

30

Momus. The tempest of their tongues is able to shake every orange and lemmon from all the trees in Spain, but here is another kind of noise

[Exeunt]

 

ACT I, SCENE 2

Enter Jupiter w th a golden ball. Footnote 45 Juno, Pallas and Venus

Juno. We all great Jove! doe here attend our Fate

And humbly soe impartiall judgement wait:

Whose beauty most excells. Speake. I disdain

1

That doubt should in thy thoughts soe long remain:

I’me ye same Juno still. I’me still as faire

As when my beauty did thy heart ensnare

Jupiter. O AteFootnote 46 now seweer revenge does take

And we too late may vain repentance make

5

For our neglecting her, shee here has shown

In heaven a discord whch is fatall grown:

Each thincks ye ball unto her beauty due

Here a perpetuall discord they renew[.]

O Pride, o Discord, where doe you not reign?

10

O wht is Earth, if heaven such ills contain

To thinck yt of her right I question make

Each swells. Momus[,] what course is best to take?

Momus. If Momus may his counsell give to Jove,

If stars may teach our Titan how to move:

15

Let not this cause be pleaded at thy throne,

The judgement, O great God!, refer to one

Whose choise they cannot old affection call,

Who as less beautious are deny’d ye ball:

For they who are rejected though it be

20

Most just, will call thy choyce partiality

Or hate, yt sex soe blinded is with pride

Jupiter. But who this mighty matter must decide?

Where’s there an equall judge, in princes courts

I will not search, justice ne’er there resorts:

25

Poor cottages are vertuous thrones, ‘tis there

Shee reignes, there all her due observers are:

In Ida’sFootnote 47 pleasant meadow’s [sic] there remains

A noble youth, in whome sweet vertue reignes:

[f. 32r]

Who is descended from ye Ancient race

30

Of Ilus,Footnote 48 in his heart noe vice has place[,]

But like pure crystal from all spotts ‘tis free

In him I more than common justice see:

And least my judgement should displeasure move

In any deity, I from above remove

35

This cause, yee Highborn Goddesses to earth

That noble youth who does derive his birth

From Priamus,Footnote 49 your judge I make: repare

To Ida, where by ye Maternall care

Of HecubeFootnote 50 he is plac’d to avoid a grave,

40

Which he would give, who 1rst him being gave:

And in his hands this fatall subject lay

Of all their strife

Momus. I yr commands obey

45

Exeunt Jupiter, Momus, Pallas and Venus. Juno manet

Juno. A mortal is our judge, poor mortall minds

Are weake, ye love of gold them closely binds:

Unto our wills and I will tempt with gold

This youth, but those of noble minds are cold

To all such low desires, in servile soules

Though averice, all piety controlls:

Noe, in his heart I will ambition raise[,]

The happiness of Monarchs I will praise:

Ambition has deceiveing shows of joy,

50

55

By whch it will allure, but sure destroy

With hope of reigning, I his youthfull minde

Will charme what e’r by Neptune is confinde,

And Neptune too, shall his possession be,

I’le promise him, if he’ll confer on me

60

The prize

[Exit Juno]

65

ACT II. SCENE 1

Enter Momus and Vulcan. Paris

Paris. What sent for me, has Jove ordain’d?

That I should judge a difference maintaind

By 3 such Goddesses: my youthfull minde

1

Will err, alas! Ye glorious sight will blinde

[f. 31v]

My eyes, o star from whence all others doe

Derive their light, and heards their vertue, who

Dost by thy entring in our world revive

Those whome alone thy presence kept alive:

5

At whose approach all plants all hearts rejoyce

Inspire me with thy wisedome[,] guide my choise

Let it be just, as thee

Enter y e 3 goddesses

Momus. Looke Paris here

10

The Goddesses in person now appear

[Exeunt Momus and Vulcan]

Juno. Thou sees, O Trojan youth how much great Jove

Knows and esteemes thy justice. From above

He here does send us, wth commands yt thou

Shouldst judge this difference, ‘tis now, ‘tis now

15

O youth, ye justice soe esteemed, must

Appear, O be but to thy judgement just

And to my beauty, dearest boy, create

Mee Ms of ye ball: sweet youth thy fate

Depends on me, dear boy, adjudge to me

20

That Globe, ye greater, thy reward shall bee

With toyle and sweat others attain to Crowns,

But scepters shall be yeilded at thy frowns:

Greatness has this of strange, it renders those

Conquerd who never yet, beheld their Foes:

25

That people shall be counted rash yt dare

Armed against thy conquering hand appear:

The powerfulst Monarchs shall not dare oppose,

To wear ye yoke, whch Paris shall impose:

To all ye Earth princes shall say their crowns

30

Are but the creatures of thy smiles or Frowns

Palas. These promises are powerfull charmes to blind

O noble youth, thy too ambitious minde:

They their intended opperation have,

But absolute conquest in a soul soe brave

35

They cannot yet obtain, noe they alone

Are truly kings, who can dispise a throne

[f. 31r]

He may be said to reigne who in his soule

His base and lustfull passions can controll

All men are kings, their wills their subjects are,

40

Their fancy is an empire greater farr

Than all poor earthly Monarchies if they

Knew but to teach these subjects to obey:

Man in himselfe has all man should desire

They search when they at empires doe aspire

45

Things much below themselves, if men can reigne

entirely over ye world, which they contain

Within themselves, all earthly kings may say

That power does far exceed ye power wch they

Bear hear on earth. O lift thy princely minde

50

From such mean objects, and let nobler finde

Roome, youth in thy heroick heart, and then

Aspire to yt which differs Gods from men

Aspire to wisedome, noble youth reject

Those glories, which with blood man must protect:

55

Let earthly glories, Paris, objects be

Of thy contempt, strive ye high heavens to see,

The unknown nature of ye Gods to know,

And what’s ye cause Neptune does eb [sic] and flow:

problems wch mortalls never could resolve,

60

But thou wth ease these ridles shalt dissolve

For if thy voice pronounces me most fair

To thee all nature’s secrets I’le declare

Venus. Fayre youth weigh but ye pleasure and ye pain

Pallas and Juno’s promises containe,

65

Yule finde alas ye pain doth counterpoyse

All ye delight; wise men and kings their joyes

Can fearcely taste, they’re mingled soe wth care

The one is troubled wth perpetuall fear

Of looseing wth already by his sword

70

He has attain’d, ambition can afford

His minde noe rest, it quicketh his desire

Still to new battles, it doth rayse afire,

In his great heart, whch nothing can asuage

But victims to his proud ambitious rage:

75

What profitts wisedome? Mortalls all yt yee

know, does alas! but teach you yt yee bee

[f. 30v]

Still ignorant, still fooles, wise men ye more

They know, they thinck they know less than before:

They know alas! there are 1000 arts

80

Which are and will be hid from humane hearts,

For if yw Gods should treble humane dayes

Man hath in shew not time his mind to raise,

To perfect wisedome; Paris[,] come[,] agree

With those who attribute ye name to me

85

Of fayrest: youth, let others break their sleepe

To view wch course ye lamps of heaven keep

Trojan[,] let ye ambititous toyle and sweat

And become nothing, striveing to be great

I’le make thee master of a treasure farr

90

Great yn those mortalls esteeme most deare

A treasure able to subdue ye hearts

of ye most stubborn kings, by pleaseing arts:

The fayrest NymphFootnote 51 great nature ere hath form’d

Shall yield her fort, wn ‘tis by Paris storm’d:

95

Great Monarchs shall, while ages wayt in vain

For favours wch my Paris shall obtain

At ye first view-

Paris. Sheapherd yu must create

One of these 3 protectress of thy Fate,

100

2 I must needs refuse, if I reject

Pallas and Juno, I must ne’re expect

That Juno will unrip my mother earth

To shew me where hott PhoebusFootnote 52 does give birth

To fatall gold: nor will shee make me Lord

105

Of all ye earth, TritoniaFootnote 53 won’t afford

Me wisedome and I shall a stranger bee

To all her mistryes of philosophy,

Both weake revenges, but shall I deny

Great Cupid[’]s Mother in whose hand doth bye

110

My heart this Aple, this unworthy prize?

What would she doe? alas shee’d blinde my eyes

And make me captive to a face by time

Ruin’d; ye subject of the poets rime

When joyn’d shee’d me unblinde, and I should see

115

Her wither’d beauty, this alas would be

A soare revenge my thincks my heart doth quake

To thinck on’t; Aphrodite, ‘tis you I make

[f. 30r]

Posessor of this ball, ‘tis you my eyes

Doe represent most worthy of ye prize

120

Man may wth patience poverty endure,

But tell me (wise spectators) wher’s a cure

For his grin’d minde, since hee’s constraind to wear

The stincking nosegay in his bosome? where

Can he have any rest? alas yt place

125

Is darke enough to hide ye sad disgrace

[Exeunt]

130

ACT III, SCENE 1

Enter Momus and Vulcan

Vulcan. Your approach is as seasonable as Venus was to Mars!

Momus. Come[,] come[,] Vulcan[.] Exalt ye horne, Vulcan, thou are conqueror, but whts ye matter?

1

Vulcan. Why, you must entreat ye rejected Goddesses yt they would not take Paris’s judgement soe much in dudgeon, wht need they care for gold? is not one ye Mistris of

Mynes, and ye other Mistris of ye Elixar, wch (as men say) turns all things into gold[?] But I thinck beauty is ye true Elixar, for it has turn’d many a Gallants 1000 acres of land into gold

5

Momus. Well, I’le endeavour to appease their rage

Vulcan. And tell e’m I desire their company at my forge. But acquaint ym yt it is not to furnish them with thunderbolts, to revenge them on ye young Trojan’s head, but to shew them such sport, as ye flames of my Anvill can make them

10

ACT III, SCENE 2

Enter Momus, Jup r , Juno, Pallas and Venus

Vulcan. Your welcome, your welcome: ist soe sweet lipps [Speaking to Venus] hast gott ye golden ball[?] Well[,] beauty wth an invisible engine draws gold to it wn it pleaseth. ‘Tis a very Hocus Pocus, if it see a golden ball in any hand, presto, it’s gone, she has it presently: well done Paris, soe, wise and judicious Paris: I’le make ye English noe more headpieces, thou shalt lend ‘em thine, twill fitt ‘em best, and I’le make thee better armour, yn I made for Thetis her sonFootnote 54; Well, Venus has won ye ball by her beauty, and were not I lame, I’de play wth all ye gods at football fort; Jove[,] I defy thee, now I’le make noe more thunderbolts for Jove, nor for any; but myselfe, and some peculiar friends, yt love to shoot them quickly: Is not Vulcan’s wife prefer’d before all ye Goddessees [?] Why not Vulcan before all ye Gods: for if ye man such praises have, ye consequence is good: but I love noe rimming, come ‘tis a day of joy and triumph [f. 29v] and dance. Wee’l have musick and danceing in remembrance of this golden ball shall be called balls for ever.- Ho! Brontes, styropes, Harpes, Pyrachmon PoliphemusFootnote 55

1

5

10

15

Enter 8 Cyclops

Vulcan. Come, come yo Rogues, let hands and hammers rest bestir yr heeles, dance till ye Stygian sweat fall from yy brows, and make a shower on Earth. Villains, know your dame, yr dame Venus has wone ye golden prize. You yt are smiths be sure to gett smugg wives, they’le bring in gold apace

20

A song

y e Cyclops sing

1. What if we toyle wht if we sweat

1

wht if we suffer AetnasFootnote 56 heat

Chor. We’ve this recruit wch if denyde

hammer and irons layed aside

2. Phoebus wn he has run his course

must rest to bath each weary horse:

5

Nature derids ye dark and light

men worke each day, and sleep each night

Chor. We’ve this &

3. What can subsist wth out some rest

Kings must themselves sometimes devest

10

Of all their care, or doubtless they

quickly will pass from men to clay

Chor. We’ve this &

4. May we compare great things wth small

ye schoole and schollars needs must fall:

15

Unless as well as Phoebus they

after their toyle have leave to play

Chor. We’ve this &

They dance w th hammers and blackjacks after w ch Venus speakes

[Venus.] ‘Tis fitt yt I contribute what lyes in me

20

To please you all: Vulc. [,] you shall not be

Sole recreator here, I’ve my plott too

To please this company as well as you:

Where are those 3 wch should on beauty wayt?

Which wn I want men purchase, at a rate

25

Too deare: their Mistresees, let ym appear

Thalia,Footnote 57 Euphrosine,Footnote 58 be present here

And you AglaiaFootnote 59 and you my Cupid too

[f. 29r]

Appear, whts beauty when she wanteth you?

Jupiter. Let Ganymede and Hebe joyne wth these

30

Enter Cupid, 3 Graces, Ganymedes, Hebe and dance

Vulcan, we give you thancks

Vulcan.... You’d better please

poor Vulcan if you will engadge all here

to doe ye same wth you, t’would cure his fear

35

The Epilogue Spoken by Momus and Vulcan

[Momus.] Sure Vulcan, yu hast made another chaine,

wch doeth deceive our sight yet does retain

These wise spectators here or surely they

to see this silly thing, would never stay

1

Yet sometimes men are pleasd to fix their eyes

in shows, to laugh at their absurdityes:

‘Tis yt retains you here, you’le say. I know

Vulcan has basely hamerd out this show

And yt his verses like himselfe are lame,

5

or that they halt, who can your censur’s blame?

Yet pardon our poore Vulcan if you finde

too many things ill wrought, let each be blinde

To see his faults, I’le tell him in pure love

(instead of makeing thunderbolts for Jove)

10

He must invent an engine to refine,

his verses and his witt and make ym shine,

With greater gloss, before he doth appeare

againe before such judges as are here. Finis

15

Concluding Remarks

Davenant’s Paris choice evidences that academic drama continued to be a vital tradition in Restoration Oxford, as a means to add a humanist background to the training of young men for public life. These texts circulated in manuscript among close friends and students, bearing testimony to a rich academic literary culture, which in many cases went beyond the boundaries of Oxford. Even though Davenant would only write one piece for the professional stage, it is relevant to know that he had acquired some experience in playwriting during his years in Oxford, and that his first attempt was also based on an episode of Greek mythology. Despite the evident differences between the contexts of performance of both plays, the staging of Paris choice undoubtedly provided Davenant with inside knowledge of play-production, on which he could rely later on when taking over his father’s theatre before finally turning to politics.

This comical adaptation of the judgment of Paris was performed sometime possibly at Balliol College as part of the Christmas festivities. The evidence collected from Clark’s lists and Foster’s Alumni regarding the students’ names in the cast allows us to tentatively date the performance during the academic year 1673–1674, if the William Langston identified is the one matriculated at Christ Church in June 1673. The text was copied in a manuscript miscellany owned in the 1660 s by Giles Frampton, another student of Balliol, and it was perhaps begun by Francis Poulett in the 1630s. The contents of Bodleian MS Rawl. poet. 84 deal with public affairs and persons, some on Oxford subjects, which further suggest that it was compiled at Oxford for a college readership.

The relevance of this manuscript also lies in the inclusion of other texts that were not in general circulation (that is, they do not appear in other manuscripts and some of these were not printed, either), such as Davenant’s song (‘If Cupid e’er my heart doth steal’), and Henry Cooke’s poems (‘Go, turn away your cruel eyes’ and ‘Doe thy worst spitefull Love’). Since two of these texts were authored by Charles Davenant, it appears that he was close to the copyist and he may well have provided him with the texts.

Davenant’s Paris choice is a minor play which nonetheless combines a rich variety of traditions (Greek mythology, masques, university plays). It is all the more valuable for Restoration theatre studies to have access to an author’s first attempt at playwriting and more importantly one written at such a young age. The comparison of this short piece with his opera Circe will certainly provide a rich insight into the development of Davenant’s dramatic and spectacular skills. Since the digitalization of early modern manuscripts is understandably being carried out progressively, I have intended to make this text accessible to a wider number of scholars with the hope of facilitating its examination and the potential finding of intertexts. The discussion of this case study, its context of textual production and performance, may well coincide (or contrast) with further analyses of similar texts and perhaps ultimately result in a broader understanting of seventeenth-century manuscript drama.