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Ghost Encounters Among Traumatized Cambodian Refugees: Severity, Relationship to PTSD, and Phenomenology

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Abstract

Ghost encounters were found to be a key part of the trauma ontology among Cambodian refugees at a psychiatric clinic, a key idiom of distress. Fifty-four percent of patients had been bothered by ghost encounters in the last month. The severity of being bothered by ghosts in the last month was highly correlated to PTSD severity (r = .8), and among patients bothered by ghosts in the last month, 85.2% had PTSD, versus among those not so bothered, 15.4%, odds ratio of 31.8 (95% confidence level 11.3–89.3), Chi square = 55.0, p < .001. Ghost visitations occurred in multiple experiential modalities that could be classified into three states of consciousness: full sleep (viz., in dream), hypnagogia, that is, upon falling asleep or awakening (viz., in sleep paralysis [SP] and in non-SP hallucinations), and full waking (viz., in hallucinations, visual aura, somatic sensations [chills or goosebumps], and leg cramps). These ghost visitations gave rise to multiple concerns—for example, of being frightened to death or of having the soul called away—as part of an elaborate cosmology. Several heuristic models are presented including a biocultural model of the interaction of trauma and ghost visitation. An extended case illustrates the article’s findings.

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Notes

  1. Of note, there are other major categories of spirits, like preta (Davis 2016), but these were not mentioned by patients as being the ghost visitors that they encountered.

  2. That is, the person is partially awake but unlike in SP can move.

  3. A beuysaach may appear having just one of these characteristics like wide eyes in order to fool the living, for example, when trying to lure someone in a dream.

  4. Also, the word prieuy highly resembles the reduplicative that describes flashing, prieuk prieuk, a reduplicative that Cambodian patients often use to depict the flashing of a visual aura; through the sound symbolism of this initial consonant-and-vowel cluster, this reduplicative creates a sense of explosive emission.

  5. We previously put forth models for visual aura, sleep paralysis, and nightmare, but here we present a more general biocultural model of ghost visitation among trauma survivors.

  6. As will be discussed below, Cambodians have a greatly feared type of ghost visitation in which the person is called or summoned.

  7. The term “hypnagogic” refers to the period at sleep onset and “hypnopompic” to the period of awakening. As others have done (Waters et al. 2016), we will refer to the hypnagogic and hypnopompic states as “hypnagogia.”

  8. In sleep paralysis, hallucinations other than visual ones may occur such as olfactory or auditory but by far the most common hallucination is a visual hallucination of a descending form.

  9. Among Cambodian patients, the hypnagogia hallucinations that occur in SP tend to differ from other hypnagogia hallucinations. SP hallucinations usually consist of seeing a shadow descending from above down upon the supine body, with a sense of chest oppression as the shadow descends. By way of contrast, non-SP hypnagogia hallucinations are not uncommonly sounds, and when non-SP hypnagogia visual hallucinations occur, what is seen is usually a figure that stands by the bed or moves in or out of the room, without there being a sense of pressure on the chest.

  10. The person may attribute the actual experiencing of the senses, such as hearing the steps of someone walking in the house or smelling actual ambient smells, to a ghost attack. But these seemed to be unusual events in those surveyed. The hallucinations seemed to be internally generated; this is clearly the case in such events as hearing oneself being summoned.

  11. Inside of the scintillating scotoma there is often a shadow that is not uncommonly considered to be a floating ghost.

  12. These shadows are often part of a scintillating scotoma (Hinton et al. 2018).

  13. Often the person may then suspect the presence of a ghost and scan the environment for a ghost and perceive a shadow cutting by.

  14. We use here the term “ghost” to translate the Cambodian term “khmaoch.” But khmaoch can mean either a corpse or the form a person’s spirit takes after death, that is, what is usually referred to in English as a “ghost,” so the term “khmaoch” might most accurately be translated as “corpse/ghost” to best depict its referents. These might be called the word’s “dynamic interpretants” as defined by Peirce (Misak 2004): the term “khmaoch” may bring to mind viewed corpses as well as ghostly presence. The word khmaoch has sound symbolism that creates a sense of assault: the initial consonant cluster is guttural and the word’s end is a sudden stop. (In Khmer, the terminal “ch” is a complete stop with no following vowel sound, unlike in English.) In addition, the word khmao means “black” in Cambodian, suggesting inauspiciousness.

  15. Often patient with ghost attacks will be told by monks that their minds and bodies are weak from “thinking too much,” and will be told to put their mind on good things. A harried mind is said to have a floating quality—mirrored by the floating nature of the attentional spotlight—and to be susceptible to ghost attack. Meditation may be suggested as a means to help the mind to focus.

  16. Patients with ghost attacks commonly go the temple to request the monk to do a protective ritual in which the monk ties a protective holy string at the wrist. The monks may look at the patient’s spiritual state, determining which of twelve symbols represents the patient’s spiritual level; in the worst case scenario, the patient will be told he or she has the low spiritual energy referred to as “bad luck cuts the neck” (krueh kat ), represented by a headless body. Often patients appear in clinic with several strings encircling the wrists, protective bracelets. Sometimes a section of string from a special ceremony to make a temple holy will be used to make a protective bracelet, a ceremony in which a protective perimeter around the temple is formed. These rites aim to create a sense of protective encircling powers, creating what might be called concentric ontological security.

  17. Shadows were also commonly seen: in dream, in hallucination (viz., hallucination in sleep paralysis; in non-SP hypnagogia; and in full waking), and in the form of the dark part of the scintillating scotoma. A patient might attribute all these attacks to the same ghost.

  18. Studies have shown high rates of hallucination and the experience of spirit visitation in depression in Latino populations (Cassano et al. 2012).

  19. Of note, this model should be applied to the cross-cultural study of ghost visitation that involves possession. (Possession was not an issue in those surveyed in this study.) Future studies need to investigate if this model applies, in particular assessing in detail the states of consciousness of occurrence such as a dissociative state (de Jong and Reis 2013; Seligman and Brown 2010). The current model can be used to investigate such issues and to further the study of possession and mass possession (Eisenbruch 2017; Reis 2016; Seligman and Brown 2010).

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Hinton, D.E., Reis, R. & de Jong, J. Ghost Encounters Among Traumatized Cambodian Refugees: Severity, Relationship to PTSD, and Phenomenology. Cult Med Psychiatry 44, 333–359 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11013-019-09661-6

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