Abstract
To facilitate a deeper understanding of domestic homicide (DH), the correctional files of 37 male DH perpetrators were examined. Victim, perpetrator and offense characteristics were compared against those from 78 non-domestic homicide perpetrator files to elucidate distinct dynamics. Risk factors preceding DHs were identified retrospectively using the revised Danger Assessment (DA; Campbell et al. 2009), and the role of psychopathy was explored via the Psychopathy Checklist-Revised (Hare 2003). DHs exhibited distinctive dynamics, especially in terms of perpetrators’ predominant drives to inflict harm out of proprietary revenge. Most DHs did not occur “out of the blue”, as 82.9 % of cases showed elements of planning; and 86.5 % were identified as a homicide risk according to the revised DA. Psychopathic DH perpetrators were less likely to act suicidal prior to homicides and more likely to kill in a dispassionate, premeditated and gratuitously violent manner. The findings underscore the importance of coordinated community responses.
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Notes
We are not attempting to “psychologize” violence against women and children (see Ryan et al. 2006, p. 212) or excuse the actions of psychopaths who harm women and children. We believe these psychopaths were criminally responsible for their actions, that they understood the difference between right and wrong at the time of the offense, and that they should not be treated more leniently than other perpetrators. We believe these psychopaths readily adopted attitudes and behaviours that supported violence against women and children.
A lack of planning in the commission of the offense and clear evidence for a high level of spontaneity or impulsivity characterize this rating. Additionally, powerful emotional arousal was experienced by the perpetrator immediately preceding the offense. There was no evidence of an external goal for the violence, other than to harm the victim, and the violence was immediately preceded by conflict or provocation. For example, while at a bar, an unknown victim verbally insulted the perpetrator. The perpetrator responded with rage, and fought and killed the victim.
There was evidence of both reactive and instrumental violence in the commission of the homicide, with reactive violence being the predominant quality. The perpetrator experienced emotional arousal preceding the offense, perhaps following conflict or provocation; however, there was also some indication of instrumentality. For example, there may have been a discernable gap in time between when the affective response took place and when the homicide was committed.
Evidence of both instrumental and reactive violence must have been observed in the commission of the homicide, with instrumental violence being the predominant quality. For example, during the commission of a planned robbery the perpetrator killed the victim in response to frustration when the victim attempted to call for help.
The violence was unambiguously goal-oriented in nature, with no evidence that it was immediately preceded by conflict or provocation. The homicide did not immediately follow powerful emotional arousal on the part of the perpetrator. A purpose for the violence, other than “hot-blooded” spontaneous anger or frustration, was identifiable. The perpetrator may have been meticulous in the planning and execution of the homicide. He may have also taken steps to conceal evidence. This kind of violence was intentional, premeditated, non-impulsive and motivated by an obvious external goal (e.g., to obtain money, drugs, nonconsensual sex or revenge).
There was evidence of a relatively brief single incident of excessive violence that occurred in a relatively short period of time. For example, based on professional inference the perpetrator made an intentional yet superficial and nonfatal cut to the victim.
There was evidence of two or more of the aforementioned markers over a relatively short period of time, or evidence of one of the markers spanning more than a single incident.
There was evidence that excessive violence was a major feature of the homicide, or evidence that excessive violence spanned numerous incidents within the context of a relatively long and drawn out homicide.
Note: Reactive/instrumental violence ratings could not be determined in two cases.
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Acknowledgments
This study was supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the Nova Scotia Health Research Foundation through research awards to the first author. The authors would like to thank research assistants Tara Carpenter, Kevin Wilson, Jason Fawcett, and Samantha Difrancescantonio. The authors also wish to thank Katreena Scott, Amanda Saunders, Tim Kelly, Joseph Camilleri, and Leanne ten Brinke for their valuable feedback during the undertaking of this study as well as Katreena Scott and Jeff McKillop for their helpful comments on an earlier draft of this manuscript.
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Juodis, M., Starzomski, A., Porter, S. et al. A Comparison of Domestic and Non-Domestic Homicides: Further Evidence for Distinct Dynamics and Heterogeneity of Domestic Homicide Perpetrators. J Fam Viol 29, 299–313 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10896-014-9583-8
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10896-014-9583-8