Abstract
Indigenous knowledge is often portrayed as static and traditional, while indigenous people are considered victims of exploitation. In the name of development and empowerment NGOs as well as scientists may run the risk of representing indigenous communities that fit their definition of the “correct” way to be indigenous. However, for indigenous people knowledge is not necessarily a static condition in a binary position to science or the ‘modern’ world. Rather, it is a dynamic condition that draws from experience and adapts to a changing environment. The perspective advanced in this paper is that all forms of knowledge, including indigenous knowledge(s), are situated and hybrid. Our argument draws from research carried out in Chiapas, Mexico, regarding the ICBG-Maya bio-prospecting project that was initiated in the 1990s and later terminated due to accusations of bio-piracy.
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Notes
Bio-prospecting can be defined as the contemporary search for scientific-commercial utility in the world’s resources, and is of great importance to the private sector that is interested in access to gene pools to develop new products, in this case the pharmaceutical industry.
COMPITCH was earlier known as the Organizacion de Medicos Indigenas del Estado de Chiapas (OMIECH).
Now called the Action Group on Erosion, Technology and Concentration. However, it was called RAFI during the ICBG-Maya project, and we therefore use RAFI throughout the article. Website http://www.etcgroup.org/en/
We spent five months in Chiapas with the Norwegian Latin American Solidarity Group (LAG) as solidarity workers in indigenous communities
The number of dead varies between 30 and 500 persons.
The project’s full name was ‘Pharmaceutical Research and Sustainable Use of Ethno-botanical Knowledge in the Maya Region of Los Altos in the State of Chiapas,’
Sandoz later merged with Novartis, which has been ranked as one of the largest pharmaceutical companies in the world (Kate and Laird 2000)
Social and cultural change were the focus for many anthropological studies in the 1940s to 1960s, which aimed to understand social and cultural change as well as conflicts. See for instance Hylland Eriksen, 1996.
In this particular case, one can ask who gained from the failure of the ICBG-Maya project. The answer is complicated, and we do not argue that COMPITCH had motives for personal gain in this. However, in the end, regardless of the intentions, COMPITCH has kept their privileged position in the area with regards to selling traditional medicine and their medical services.
We are grateful to one of the anonymous reviews for pointing out these issues for us.
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Acknowledgements
We are indebted to the communities, the institutions and the families whose activities we studied: Muchas gracias a la gente en las comunidades en Chiapas y en Oaxaca. We are also grateful for the comments and support from Svein Jentoft and Ratana Chuenpadee on an early draft. Special thanks to Jahn Petter Johnsen. We also thank the anonymous referees for insightful comments and suggestions.
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Bjørkan, M., Qvenild, M. The Biodiversity Discourse: Categorisation of Indigenous People in a Mexican Bio-prospecting Case. Hum Ecol 38, 193–204 (2010). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10745-010-9305-7
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10745-010-9305-7