Abstract
How does a sense of touch, figuratively and practically, get deployed within equality governance, and to what questions and ways of thinking about the state does this direct us? Taking 2009–2010 as a snap-shot moment in the development of British equality reform—the year leading up to passage of the Equality Act 2010—this article explores the relationship between touch (the haptic) and equality governance from three angles. First, how have governmental bodies used touch language and imagery, including in geometrical representations of disadvantage? Second, what other, more challenging encounters and actions are imaginable; specifically, can touch mobilise the feeling state as a critical form of active citizenship? Third, what re-conceptualisations of the state does the touching, feeling state invoke, and with what effects? Specifically, does conceiving of the state as a multi-identity formation reframe the risks associated with a haptic state, thereby opening up new strategies for political action?
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Notes
There is also the specific apparatus and machinery of equality governance associated with the devolved nations—Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland.
See Theresa May, Minister for Women and Equalities, “Equality Strategy Speech”, 17 November 2010, Coin Street Community Centre, London.
See for instance, GEO, The Equality Bill: Duty to Reduce Socio-economic Inequalities, January 2010, p. 30, praising Brighton and Hove Housing Service for addressing socio-economic disadvantage through “a balance of support and enforcement to tackle crime and anti-social behaviour problems”.
Government Equalities Office, Working Towards Equality, October 2009, p. 19.
GEO, Turning Policy into Action, Business Plan, 2010–2011, March 2010, p. 2.
E.g., Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic Women Councillors’ Taskforce Report, October 2009; also EHRC, Cohesion and Equality Guidance for Funders, October 2009, p. 4.
April 2010, p. 34.
See EHRC, Cohesion and Equality: Guidance for Funders, October 2009, p. 7.
See EHRC, The Public Sector Equality Duties and Financial Decisions, March 2009, p. 5. “Under the Gender Equality Duty, public authorities must consult staff, service users and other relevant bodies. Under the Disability Equality Duty, authorities must promote disabled people’s participation and involve disabled people. Involvement requires much more active engagement of disabled stakeholders than consultation.”
See EHRC, Positive Action Briefing Note, July 2009, p. 9.
See Trevor Phillips, “Poor white boys are victims too”, Sunday Times, 27 April 2008, http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/comment/columnists/guest_contributors/article3822685.ece.
Discriminators are classified by organisational identity as a public body, service provider, company, club etc., not in terms of social relations of gender, class, race etc.
See EHRC ‘Our Space’ website; http://www.equalityhumanrights.com/key-projects/youth-projects/our-space/ [last accessed 18 January 2011].
This example is drawn from Marianna Valverde (2003).
For a useful discussion of geometry’s relation to touch, see Paterson (2007).
Olmec, A Guide to Equality and Diversity in the Third Sector, June 2008. For a more sophisticated framework, see EHRC, Developing the Equality Measurement Framework, 2009, p. xiii; a three-dimensional matrix involving: (1) inequality (of outcomes, process and autonomy); (2) across ten domains of social life and activity; (3) and involving eight social characteristics, including class.
GEO, The Equality Bill: Duty to Reduce Socio-economic Inequalities, A Guide, January 2010, p. 14.
DCLG, Creating a Single Equality Scheme for 2010–2013, Consultation, December 2009, p. 9.
Although external pressure can become incorporated and thus legitimated, see for instance GEO, The Equality Bill: Duty to Reduce Socio-economic Inequalities, A Guide January 2010, p. 28, which explicitly refers to citizen engagement as an “effective mechanism for ensuring compliance with the duty”.
For an example of one senior governmental officer’s self-portrayal as an activist within official political structures, see Hunter and Swan’s (2007) interview with Angela Mason (especially p. 490).
There are parallels here with Didi Herman’s (2011) discussion of judicial “way-finding”.
CLG, Fairness and Freedom: The Final Report of the Equalities Review: A Summary, February 2007, p. 6.
For a contemporaneous example, see the British government’s expression of regret following the Report of the Bloody Sunday Inquiry on British soldiers firing and killing protestors in Londonderry in 1972. BBC News Northern Ireland, 15 June 2010; http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/10320609 [last accessed 29 November 2010].
Trevor Phillips, “Foreword”, Our Human Rights Strategy and Programme of Action; 2009–2012, p. 1 (EHRC).
EHRC, Cohesion and Equality: Guidance for Funders, October 2009, pp. 3–4. Emphasis added.
See R (Kaur and Shah) v. LB Ealing [2008] EWHC 2062 (Admin), judgment of Moses LJ that Ealing council was in breach of their duty under the Race Relations Act 1976 for failing to properly consider the racial impact of requiring that organisations funded by them to provide domestic violence services must make such services equally available to all, regardless of race. The EHRC was an intervenor in this case, and their subsequent report (discussed here) can be interpreted as simply explaining the law given the decision in this case. At the same time, reports have a tone which conveys (or produces) particular feelings.
Public bodies recognise, to varying degrees, that inequalities such as gender, sexuality, and race work differently. However, the equality governance structure discussed treats them as broadly analogous—as the same kind of thing. This analogising has been driven by social movement organisations, writers and scholars as well as legal and governmental bodies. While it helps some organising principles, such as sexuality, to be treated more seriously—fitted within an already existing framework—sexuality is only recognised as generating inequalities to the extent it is deemed the same sort of phenomenon as gender or race—and, of course, to the extent they can be analogised to each other.
See O’Cinneide (2007, p. 159) for a critique of the EHRC for applying a “soft touch”.
DCLG, Creating a Single Equality Scheme, 2010–2013 Consultation, December 2009, p. 11.
There are also problems in approaching the state as a series of agentic bodies, I have not the space to pursue further here.
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This article was initially presented as a keynote lecture at the interdisciplinary Beyond Citizenship Conference, Birkbeck College, 1 July 2010; organised by the Birkbeck Institute for Social Research. The article benefits from questions and comments of participants, as well as feedback from Brenna Bhandar, Emily Grabham, Didi Herman and anonymous referees for Feminist Legal Studies.
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Cooper, D. Reading the State as a Multi-Identity Formation: The Touch and Feel of Equality Governance. Fem Leg Stud 19, 3–25 (2011). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10691-011-9166-5
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10691-011-9166-5