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Marital and Reproductive Behavior in Italy After 1995: Bridging the Gap with Western Europe?

Mariage et reproduction en Italie après 1995: convergence avec l’Europe de l’Ouest?

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Abstract

Despite a delay of 20–25 years, when it comes to cohabitation, Italy has now begun to resemble other Western countries. In addition, the increase in legal separations has accelerated since 1995, although their number still remains far from that observed in countries such as the USA, the UK, and France. Finally, Italy’s fertility decline has come to a halt: the cohort of women born in the early 1970s will likely have the same TFR as those born in the mid-1960s (around 1.55). Moreover, in the Centre–North areas, period TFR rose from 1.1 in 1995 to 1.35 children per woman 10 years later. The territorial diffusion of cohabitation, legal separation, out-of-wedlock births, and fertility recovery overlaps closely with that of the decline in births during the first half of the twentieth century. A similar geographical pattern has been observed for the diffusion of school enrolment, industrialization, secularization, and (during the last 20 years) foreign immigration.

Résumé

Malgré un retard de 20 à 25 ans, en matière de cohabitation l’Italie commence à présent à ressembler aux autres pays occidentaux. De plus, la hausse des séparations légales s’est accélérée depuis 1995, bien que leur niveau demeure encore bien en-deçà de celui qui est observé dans des pays tels que les Etats-Unis d’Amérique, le Royaume-Uni, et la France. Finalement, la fécondité a cessé de baisser en Italie: la cohorte des femmes nées au début des années 1970 aura selon toute vraisemblance le même indice synthétique de fécondité que celle des femmes nées au milieu des années 60 (environ 1,55). De plus, dans les régions du centre-nord, l’indice synthétique de fécondité est passé de 1,1 enfant par femme en 1995 à 1,35 dix ans plus tard. La diffusion territoriale de la cohabitation, des séparations légales, des naissances hors mariage et du rattrapage de la fécondité recouvre de façon étroite celle de la baisse des naissances au cours de la première moitié du vingtième siècle. Le même schéma géographique est observé dans la diffusion de la scolarisation, de l’industrialisation, de la sécularisation et (pendant les 20 dernières années) de l’immigration en provenance de l’étranger.

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Notes

  1. Several important dates with regard to the “cultural revolution” in Italy during the 1970s should be mentioned: 1970, divorce became legal; 1971, contraceptive advertising was legalized; 1974, confirmative referendum in favor of divorce; 1975, new family law equalized the rights of children born out-of-wedlock and those born within marriage; 1978, abortion was legalized; 1981, confirmative referendum in favor of abortion.

  2. In Italy, divorce was made legal in 1970 and entails two stages: a period of legal separation followed by divorce. The Divorce Act (1970) stipulated the minimum interval between legal separation and divorce to be 5 years, but in 1987 this was reduced to 3 years. Although only about 50% of legal separations are followed through to a final divorce (where the official sanctions of marriage disappear completely) only a negligible proportion of legal separations actually lead to reconciliation between spouses (Barbagli 1990). Given this context, an analysis of marital dissolution in Italy is best carried out by focusing on legal separations rather than on divorces, although legal separation does not formally dissolve marriage, but simply authorizes the husband and wife to live separately. Indeed, in Italy legal separation is comparable with divorce in the countries here considered for comparative purpose (USA, UK, and France). In this article, we do not consider dissolution of cohabitations, as their diffusion is very recent in Italy (see Sect. 2).

  3. For further information with regard to the methodology employed, see Castiglioni and Dalla Zuanna (2007). The probabilities have been projected extrapolating the observed probabilities of marital separation by each marriage duration, without introducing further behavioral hypotheses.

  4. This point is of particular interest in that during the 1990s, income development rates in the provinces of the Centre–North (measured by current prices) varied widely. The increase in the annual per capita income ranged from +7% for a few of the provinces in the North–East (i.e., Gorizia, Treviso, Verona, Vicenza, and Bolzano) to below +4% for the provinces of Belluno (Veneto), of Genova and Imperia (Liguria), and of Livorno (Toscana). In the late 1990s, income level was quite variable, ranging from 51 million lire annually per capita in Milan to slightly more than 26 million in Massa Carrara (Toscana).

  5. One program, for example, gives a cash allowance to those families with at least three children under the age of 18 and below a certain income level. More specifically, since 1999 the sum of 120 euros a month has been given to families for every child from the third-born on. For a detailed analysis of the political measures in favor of families with children (conducted on a national and regional level), refer to the internet site: http://www.politichefamiliari.stat.unipd.it.

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  1. Department of Statistical Sciences, University of Padova, Via Cesare Battisti 241, 35100, Padova, Italy

    Maria Castiglioni & Gianpiero Dalla Zuanna

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Correspondence to Maria Castiglioni.

Appendix. The Challenges of Calculating Fertility Rates for Foreign Women

Appendix. The Challenges of Calculating Fertility Rates for Foreign Women

Assigning a value to the fertility of foreign women who live in Italy is not a simple task as their fertility histories are intimately tied to their migratory experience. In Table 12, we provide three different measures of fertility for Italian and foreign women reported in 2004 and in 2006. The data from 2004 come from Istat’s information on both TFR and the ratio of births to women age 18–49. The data for 2006 report the fertility of mothers of a representative sample of 8,000 Italian and 8,000 foreign students in junior high schools. As these women were born around 1960–65, their reproductive lives are nearly over. Upon comparing the results from these different sources, however, one immediately notices the rather large discrepancy between the fertility of Italians and foreign women in terms of TFR, and the more moderate differences between the two groups when using the other measures. This is particularly true with regard to the “final” measure by cohorts, which is not influenced by the reproductive calendar.

Table 12 Fertility measures for Italian and foreign women living in Italy in 2004–06
Full size table

In light of these differences, it seems unwise to employ the period TFR to measure the fertility of foreign women. The period TFR refers to the average number of children a woman would have, if throughout her reproductive life, she were to bear children at the current age-specific fertility rates. Given that the number of foreign women in Italy has risen incredibly rapidly in the past few years, the premise on which period TFR is based doesn’t seem to be appropriate for observing differences between Italian and foreign women, especially given the latter’s deeply interconnected migratory and reproductive histories. Consequently, we chose to use as our reference measurement the general fertility rate (Births/Women 18–49) which, although also a period measure, is less sensitive to the concentration of births within certain age groups. The downside of this measurement is that it does not allow us to take into account the age structure of women of reproductive age. In any case, the similarity between the comparison of Italian and foreign women made using this measure, and that using a retrospective cohort estimate, confirmed that this was not a poor decision.

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Castiglioni, M., Dalla Zuanna, G. Marital and Reproductive Behavior in Italy After 1995: Bridging the Gap with Western Europe?. Eur J Population 25, 1–26 (2009). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10680-008-9155-9

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