Abstract
The OECD has repeatedly recommended that wage bargaining in Austria be decentralised to allow wage diferentials to widen. But the status quo itself is in question. While studies of aggregate industry data indicate a high degree of wage dispersion, research based on data from household surveys seems suggest that income inequality in Austria is as small as in the Scandinavian countries. This paper seeks to reconcile these opposing views. It shows that data from the household surveys underestimate the size of inter-industry wage differentials. An analysis of the structure of contractual wage rates supports the view that wage inequality is very pronounced in Austria and that a narrowing of the wage gap would lead both to an increase in productive efficiency and an increase in income equality.
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Notes
For Austria, these data refer to the large-scale manufacturing sector (Industrie as opposed to Gewerbe, see Sect. 4 for a discussion of this distinction).
A rising trend in wage dispersion in manufacturing in Austria was also found in studies of the cyclical behaviour of the wage structure; the increase in wage inequality was only interrupted in periods of cyclical peaks and at times when the share of foreign workers in Austria's employment dropped sharply (Pollan 1980, 2004).
See also Zweimüller (1992).
In some years the income data even included children's allowances.
In the ISSP-1987/ISSP-1988 Survey, 26% of the respondents refused to answer the income question (or had no income at all). On the industry classification, see Sect. 4.
Contractual wage rates (Kollektivvertragslöhne or Tariflöhne), arrived at in settlements between the unions and the employers, are also sometimes referred to as negotiated or basic wage rates. In this context, these terms also cover contractual salary rates of white-collar workers
Austria does not have minimum wage legislation that provides for a minimum wage for the whole economy. Rather the contractual wage rate for the least skilled group of workers constitutes the de facto minimum wage rate for the industry covered by the collective wage contract.
Rough calculations show that 20–25% of employees in the private sector (mostly in large-scale manufacturing and construction, the financial sector, the (formerly state-owned) postal service and federal railways) can be allocated to the high-pay sector, and 70–75% to the low-pay sector (mainly in the small-scale industry and crafts sector, and the service sector). About 6% of employees in the private sector are not covered by collective agreements (Bönisch 2008). About 2.7 million persons are employed in the private sector.
After a merger in 2006, the union is now called the Union of Salaried Private Sector Employees, Printing, Journalism and Paper.
Biffl (2002), on the basis of a different data set, shows that this conclusion holds with regard to wages and salaries for all qualification levels.
For details see Pollan (2000, pp. 51–57).
Part of the misspecification problems concerning the improper industry classification may be alleviated by introducing dummy variables for the firm size, as, in general, businesses in the Industrie section are larger than businesses in the Gewerbe section. But this step raises the question as to the final determinants of the bargaining structure and of the institutional setup in general, a topic outside the scope of this paper. At a more practical level, it is not always the case that firms in the Industrie section are larger than firms in the Gewerbe section: some businesses in the food industry, though classified as Gewerbe (with lower wage rates), are larger than businesses classified as Industrie.
For a review of these recommendations, see OECD (2004).
Austria's position in the centralisation/co-ordination rankings, the other salient feature of such international comparisons, has also been questioned (Pollan 2004).
Similar criticisms apply to the use of data from the International Social Survey Programme.
However, the empirical evidence hardly allow us to rule out the efficiency wage hypothesis completely: the characteristics of industries likely to pay higher wages for efficiency reasons seem to overlap with those of firms likely to have powerful works councils, to obtain protection from competition and to be candidates for state ownership, but this topic is beyond the scope of this paper.
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Pollan, W. How large are wage differentials in Austria?. Empirica 36, 389–406 (2009). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10663-008-9099-7
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10663-008-9099-7
Keywords
- Wage differentials
- Wage structure
- Income inequality
- Decentralised wage setting system
- Collective bargaining