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Deficient realities: expertise and uncertainty among tea plantation workers in Sri Lanka

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Abstract

In May 2009, nearly three decades of civil war in Sri Lanka came to an end with the Government of Sri Lanka’s defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. Often eclipsed within representations of the country’s civil and political conflict, Malaiyaha or Hill Country Tamils, who primarily reside and work on Sri Lanka’s tea plantations, have experienced protracted forms of discrimination that directly result from social and economic matrices of escalating civil violence, legal and affective exclusion, and neoliberal policies of worker dispossession. Based on ethnographic research conducted in the immediate aftermath of war, this article focuses on Malaiyaha Tamils encounters with economic and bodily uncertainty in postwar Sri Lanka and their responses to hegemonic forms of knowledge about their heritage and present marginalization from Sri Lankan society. By presenting an ethnographic narrative of a cāmi pākkiratu (“consulting god”) healing ritual on a tea plantation, I argue that Malaiyaha Tamils, when intimately confronted with deficient realities that emerge from the more subtle effects of sustained dispossession on their community, cultivate modalities of expertise that destabilize the more dominant, subordinating perceptions about their worth and emplacement as minority workers in Sri Lanka. Such modalities suggest that building knowledge and competency within one’s conditions of dispossession cannot be understood as simple resistance or agency. Rather, such modalities of expertise complicate the redacted categories into which Malaiyaha Tamil plantation workers are persistently emplaced by affirming both new possibilities alongside the subtle militarization and persistent dispossession of minority workers in postwar Sri Lanka.

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Notes

  1. This is a combination of betel leaf, areca nut, sun-dried tobacco leaves, and slaked lime paste.

  2. The discursive power and urgency with which such rumors and suspicions circulated throughout the civil war (more specifically in the late 1990 and early 2000s) have been discussed by anthropologist, Bass (2008).

  3. The Tamil word, cāmi, which means “god,” is also a term of affection commonly used by Malaiyaha Tamils when addressing children.

  4. Rōdaiah is the estate god for machines and factories (also mentioned in Hollup 1994: 280–282). Plantation residents on Kanageswaran’s estate also called Rōtai muny by the name, Miniyāna Cāmi.

  5. The woman interestingly belongs to a higher caste, Kudiyanādu or Kurinādi jāti.

  6. Throughout my research, Abirami, who turned one at the beginning of my research, was being treated for epilepsy and side effects from her daily dose of anti-seizure medication, Valproate; Kamaci’s father, a retired kankani (one who oversees groups of female pluckers in the fields) without citizenship, had migrated from India when he was four and was extremely feeble and one of the oldest members of their estate division.

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Acknowledgments

The ethnographic research from this article draws was funded by the National Science Foundation (NSF), Green Harbor Financial, American Institute for Sri Lankan Studies (AISLS), and the American Association of University Women (AAUW). I would like to thank Amudha, my research assistant in Sri Lanka for helping me transcribe my recordings of the cāmi pākkiratu ritual, and Valentine Daniel, David Scott, Jonathan Spencer, and Michael Taussig for their close readings of this text in its earlier versions. Lastly, I would like to thank my reviewers, whose comments were most invaluable to the final drafting of this article.

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Jegathesan, M. Deficient realities: expertise and uncertainty among tea plantation workers in Sri Lanka. Dialect Anthropol 39, 255–272 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10624-015-9386-1

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