Abstract
This article seeks to uncover the reasons for acceptance of the “broken windows” hypothesis amongst New York City’s political elite. Previous critical approaches have generally sought to challenge broken windows by showing that it is empirically suspect. While such approaches are indispensable, they tend to avoid addressing the problem of why, despite its lack of empirical support, political elites continually endorse the broken windows hypothesis as if it were an indisputable, scientifically established truth. In order to address this problem and extend the critical literature, I utilize an interpretive approach based on political memos, press releases, and other political documents from the Giuliani and Bloomberg administrations. Through an analysis of the official response to graffiti, unruly individuals and noise, I argue that broken windows is embraced by political elites insofar as it serves the interests of growth machines, which essentially seek to commodify and exploit urban spaces.
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Notes
It is perhaps worth emphasizing that the three urban “problems” under scrutiny are devoid of any absolute meaning, which is evident insofar as not everyone interprets them in the same way. It is known, for example, that most graffiti writers develop an interest in the practice after visually encountering graffiti that other individuals have produced in public space. In these cases, graffiti is often read as a possible avenue to a new and distinct identity (Kramer 2009). More obviously, the longstanding debate over whether graffiti is art or vandalism has by no means subsided. Thus, while people may know graffiti when they see it, they do not evaluate it in the same way. In fact, most of the intellectuals who have entered this debate have claimed that graffiti constitutes “art” (see Austin 2001; Castleman 1982; Ferrell 1993; Mailer 1974; Miller 2002; Rahn 2002; Spitz 1991; Stewart 1989). In relation to “unruly individuals”, it could be said that “squeegee men”, for example, are better understood as variations of Benson’s (1983) “penny capitalists” or innovative entrepreneurs, as opposed to a threat to “quality of life”. Some might even entertain the notion that such urban figures are simply poor. Moreover, Duneier’s analysis of street vendors has shown that “disorderly” individuals are actually quite committed to creating “orderly” social relations (Duneier 1999). And, of course, one person’s noise can easily become another’s music, or even “what it means to live in a city”.
Almost needless to add in the present context, public officials never see graffiti, unruly individuals and noise in such terms. Instead, they consistently read such urban activities as ominous warnings of impending neighborhood collapse (Kramer 2009; 2010b). Not surprisingly, it is these interpretations that tend to dominate political debate and discourse, which occurs for two closely related reasons. First, as previous literature has shown (Austin 2001; Chomsky 1989; Ericson et al. 1989; Herman and Chomsky 2002; Molotch and Lester 1974, 1975), there are strong organizational links between the political sphere and the mass-print media, which allows public officials to broadcast their world-view more readily than others. Second, through new communicative technologies, such as the Internet, political elites can independently disseminate statements in the form of press releases, public addresses, or transcribed speeches.
Hence the persistent efforts to regulate access to spray paint. In 1992, Mayor Dinkins banned the sale of spray paint to those below 18 years of age (Associated Press 1992). Subsequently, in 2005, Bloomberg banned its sale to those below the age of 21 (Bloomberg 2005b). Also worth noting, storeowners in New York City must keep spray paint in a locked cage or safely out of reach of consumers.
Social scientists have often found that institutions devoted to social control are not used to police objective threats. Rather, they are often used to regulate and oppress a variety of “others”. Such “otherness” may be based on “race”, class, gender, sexuality, etc. The literature along these lines is too extensive to cite, but see for example Parenti (1999), Reiman (2005), and Western (2006).
The context of Bourdieu’s statement, which cannot be reproduced in full here, indicates the connection between opposition to noise and specific social classes.
I have discussed these connections in much greater detail elsewhere. See especially Kramer (2009, pp. 219–225) where over 30 documents are cited in support of the point being made here.
Bloomberg clearly embraces the competitive spirit between cities and, more importantly, the way in which this stance readily accepts that the city is best understood and treated as a commodity: “New York is in a fierce, worldwide competition; our strategy must be to hone our competitive advantages. We must offer the best product—and sell it, forcefully”. Also, “To oversee our promotion and marketing efforts, we’ll establish a chief Marketing Officer for the city… we’ll take advantage of our brand” (Bloomberg 2003a).
Most people in New York City do not own property. According to the 2000 census, only 30.2% of New York City’s population owns their own home, which is about half the national average.
It is worth noting that there are many moments in the political discourse under scrutiny where the importance of being business-friendly is emphasized. The following examples are illustrative: “We’re also getting our economy back on track by making New York a more attractive place for major corporate employers” (Bloomberg 2003d); “… we’re making New York business-friendly. That means creating the infrastructure needed for economic growth (Bloomberg 2004a); “… we’re going to invest in economic development projects, make New York the most business-friendly city in the nation…” (Bloomberg 2006).
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Kramer, R. Political Elites, “Broken Windows”, and the Commodification of Urban Space. Crit Crim 20, 229–248 (2012). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10612-011-9137-9
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10612-011-9137-9