Abstract
Despite a number of policy decisions being based upon the premise that there is a large flow of Brazilian trafficking victims to Spain and Portugal, existing statistics are not reliable enough to confirm this assertion. Due to a number of reasons, including problematic, incompatible and evolving definitions, as well as fragmented data gathering systems, the available human trafficking statistics about Brazilian trafficking victims in the Iberian Peninsula are internally and cross-comparatively inconsistent. The widely varying scenarios presented by the available numbers compromise the individual and collective responses to the phenomenon. Although a number of possible solutions can be proposed to improve the data collection, it is unlikely that the systems will change significantly as long as the figures being presented continue to support the agendas defended by the countries in question.
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Notes
In a tendency in line with other heavily advocated issues, anti-trafficking proponents seem to find false negatives (cases which are not counted as part of the problem despite fitting the right criteria) as much worse than false positives (cases which are mistakenly taken as part of the problem). Thus, broad definitions are often defended as they allegedly help minimize the prevalence of undiscovered cases, despite the fact that such extensive definitions usually end up supporting estimates which are considerably larger than reality and often misrepresent the issue which is being discussed ([2]: 40).
Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, Supplementing the United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organised Crime (2000).
Brazilian Public Prosecutor Eliana Vendramini, who specializes in combating organised crime, declared that a “UN Study” (unnamed, no year given) affirms that Brazil is the main origin country of women trafficked for sexual exploitation worldwide [41]. Similar statements, equally unsupported, have been made by a variety of other people and in the name of multiple organisations.
See for instance multiple declarations by members of the Brazilian Federal Police, such as [7].
Primary focus will be given to adult victims of trafficking, as the criteria established in the UN Protocol for labelling minors as victims of trafficking is different. Nevertheless, in some cases the presented data conflates adults and minors, without taking into consideration the differences between them. This amalgamation, if it takes place, will be explicitly stated.
The focus of this data collection is on statistics produced and/or sponsored by national governments and/or international organizations, as this is the data which shapes and is shaped by official policies. This means that data collected by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) will not be taken into account unless it is explicitly government endorsed.
The use of overblown statistics to support supposedly humanitarian “anti-trafficking” policies has been a strategy used by abolitionists since the heydays of the anti-white slavery movement [12].
Although the leeway given by the UN Protocol may mean that the definitions established by different countries may not be entirely the same, at a minimum they should be perfectly consistent internally, which is not currently the case.
See for instance [33] for a detailed report of the trafficking of Brazilians to Suriname.
The Brazilian Federal Police is always responsible for investigating cases of transnational trafficking, while cases of internal trafficking are usually, but not always, assigned to the police forces of individual states. While the presented data most likely refers only to cases of transnational trafficking, we cannot affirm that it does, as internal cases involving multiple states may also be assigned to the Federal Police [37].
It is important to bear in mind that the number of cases does not necessarily match the number of trafficked persons, as each case may involve multiple victims.
Judge Rinaldo Aparecido Barros, considered a national expert on trafficking, claimed in a 2012 interview that the Federal Police has numbers that support the assertion that there are 75,000 Brazilian women who are victims of trafficking for sexual exploitation worldwide [66]. No other sources, however, including official data presented by the Federal Police, seem to acknowledge this number. It is likely a misrepresentation of an often repeated figure that claims that there are 75,000 Brazilian women working in the European sex industry. This data, often quoted without sources, is attributed by Téchio [67] to a 2005 report by the Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights (although it is sometimes also attributed to the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, the UN or IOM). This 2005 assertion, however, may be unlikely, as the same figure was quoted in the 2004 United States Department of State’s Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report [73]. A similar 70,000 sex workers figure is also often used and at times attributed to the United Nations Population Fund ([72]: 47). The UNFPA’s data, however, originates from the 2005 TIP report [74]. The TIP reports did not cite sources for these figures or clarify why or how 5000 Brazilians “disappeared” from its statistics between 2004 and 2005.
An inquiry sent to the Ministry of Foreign Relations (Ministério das Relações Exteriores, personal communication, August 5, 2013) clarified that the numbers were different because some cases which took place in 2009 were not accounted for until the following year.
This particular perception seems to be widespread among trans individuals and sex workers and has been confirmed by documented cases where help has been denied at certain consulates ([4]: 94).
See for instance accounts in [60] about police forces deporting trafficking victims without giving them the opportunity to contact Brazilian authorities. Even in cases where trafficking victims are officially labelled as such by foreign governments and enjoy the rights that the category confers, no mechanism to ensure that the Brazilian government is informed when a victim of trafficking is identified abroad appears to exist.
It is relevant to consider that to be statistically valid the classification of the trafficking victim depends on the victim’s agreement to the use of the label. One can argue that this may result in under-reporting of trafficking cases, as some victims do not identify as such. It is very important, however, to recognize that this goes against the widespread trend of ignoring the agency and autonomy of migrants by labelling them as trafficking victims, often to their detriment, without considering whether they see themselves as such.
These outposts are present along selected migratory hubs (mostly in major airports and in the Amazon) and are supposed to, among other things, provide information and support to previously identified trafficking victims and identify through interviews previously unknown victims that have been denied entry into other countries or deported.
A similar issue appears to happen with non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Although they are often relied upon to support government efforts (see for instance, the II National Plan on confronting trafficking in persons [61]), there appears to be no mechanism which enables data to be gathered about trafficking victims supported or identified by NGOs.
This, however, excluded cases of trafficking where the victim was legally present in the country. This is particularly problematic when we consider that official data from 2010 implies that in over 65 % of the cases in that year where trafficking indicators were found the potential victims were regularly residing in Spain ([58]: 44). This large percentage, however, may be a reflection of the fact that many undocumented migrants are summarily expelled from the country when identified by the police and not given a chance to have a potential trafficking situation investigated.
The Spanish Civil Guard has jurisdiction over the majority of the Spanish territory (although that amounts to but approximately 40 % of the population), including border posts such as airports. The rest of the territory is overseen by the Cuerpo Nacional de Policía (National Police Corps, responsible for urban environments) and the Autonomous Police Forces of Catalonia and the Basque Country ([25]: 3).
Unlike the Guardia Civil, which counts all sex workers it comes into contact with as potential victims, data from the CNP supposedly only counts those who have been submitted to a situation of trafficking for sexual exploitation ([68]: 93). CNP data, however, is not publically available and attempts by the author to obtain it were unsuccessful.
The Fiscal Ministry (known in other countries, such as Brazil, as the Public Ministry) is the body of public prosecutors.
Multiple attempts by the author to contact the Guardia to obtain the reports from 1999, 2007 and 2010 onwards were unsuccessful.
This may be due to the fact that the data from the CNP seems to be difficult to access. No known sources seem to take into account information from the Mossos d’Esquadra or the Ertzaintza (the Catalonian and Basque Police, respectively) as well. This seems to be the case because these regional police forces have no jurisdiction on migration-related matters and have to coordinate with either the CNP or the Guardia when dealing with foreigners. Thus, the vast majority of trafficked cases detected by them are incorporated into the data from the two main police forces ([24]: 16).
The Civil Guard claims, based on a 1999 study, that highway clubs, the vast majority of which are located in areas under its jurisdiction, represent 80 % of the prostitution in Spain. This percentage, however, was obtained in the observation of a single, rural region and is highly debatable when we take the country as a whole into account ([22]: 177).
The emic term “trans” is being used here to refer to “travestis” (as per the terminology used in Brazil), as well as transsexual and transgender persons. Because there appears to be no data or mention of trans male individuals in the context of trafficking and the sex industry in Brazil, “trans” shall refer to individuals who were assigned male at birth and were, to some degree, dissatisfied with this label.
The plaza system’s 3 weeks length is supposedly tied to the length of women’s menstrual cycles, allowing, in theory, sex workers to complete a non-stop work cycle and take time off for their period. Its widespread use in Spain, however, may be more linked to the fact that sex workers usually earn more when they are new to a particular place and that constant movement seems to be a strategy to bypass police checks [48].
This is for instance, the case of the 2005–2006 report “Estudio sobre la explotación sexual de las mujeres, con referencia al tráfico illegal” produced by the Spanish Ministry of Labour and Social Issues which claims that there are approximately 90,000 victims of trafficking for sexual exploitation in Spain. This figure comes from considering that every sex worker who is not completely autonomous is a victim of trafficking ([23]: 22).
Foreign sex workers who actually claimed to have been exploited represented, in most years, less than 1.5 % of the foreign women which were identified by the Guardia Civil as potential victims of trafficking. In some years (2003 to 2005, 2009) the percentage of Spanish sex workers who claimed to have been exploited was actually higher than that of migrant sex workers. This challenges the pervading assumption, reinforced by the Guardia, that only migrants from developing countries can be and are being exploited.
See ([55]: 17–20) for a reproduction of the data-sheet used by the Ministry of Interior to collect crime data.
Although 2007 data is available (295 victims) [16], it is not included since it is limited, unlike in subsequent years, to victims detected by the Guardia Civil and the Cuerpo Nacional de Policía. Numbers from 2012 (29 victims) onwards are also not included because the Fiscal Ministry abandoned the term “victims of sexual exploitation” and started to address “victims of trafficking for sexual exploitation,” focusing for the first time on victims detected under article 177 bis [21], which, although mentioned in the previous report [20], was not then included in the final count of cases which reached the courts.
The RASI is a publication of the Portuguese Ministry of Internal Administration which details crime trends in the country.
A sample copy of the GUR can be found in ([49]: 164).
Besides the GUR and GS forms, additional data comes from the Ministry of Internal Administration, which provides information about potential Portuguese victims of trafficking detected abroad.
In their analysis of the trafficking situation in Portugal and particularly the country’s data gathering system, Santos Neves and Pedra [56] claim that the number of trafficking victims in the country is at least three times greater than that which is presented in official statistics.
The total number of flagged victims in Portugal in this period was 138, 84, 35, 48, 81 and 299 respectively. From 2009 to 2013 there were 7, 22, 11, 4 and 45 victims confirmed.
The reports included data from what are the now the 28 EU Member States, as well as data from selected Schengen Associated Countries and candidate countries: Norway, Montenegro, Serbia, Switzerland and Turkey.
In response to an inquiry from the author, the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Relations claimed that more specific information regarding Brazilian victims in both Portugal and Spain (such as gender of victims and types of trafficking) was not available for the 2005–2011 period (Ministério das Relações Exteriores, personal communication, August 5, 2013). Data from 2012 shows that the one victim identified in Spain (none were identified in Portugal) was a woman subjected to sexual exploitation [38].
Data from the Ministry of Interior will not be used because the years where data is available do not overlap with the Brazilian data.
This may be accounted for by the fact that Brazil’s numbers also include victims of trafficking for labour exploitation.
In more recent years this trend has started to change, particularly in Portugal, where greater importance has been given to detecting trafficking for labour exploitation.
While Portuguese data has, for the most part, overcome the overblown data stage (although the possibility of a large dark figure is still discussed), the Portuguese victim identification and data gathering system was designed in such a way as to support the perpetuation of a system of identification, detention and subsequent expulsion of migrant sex workers under a human rights umbrella.
Although a significant part of the Brazilian women who migrate to Europe can be considered white, in many developed countries they are seen as mixed race or mestizas regardless of their skin colour or any other considerations. This is particularly true in the case of Brazilian women working in European the sex industry, where they are associated with the exuberant and unspoilt sexuality attributed to the mulata whether or not they fit the category ([51]: 269).
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de Pérez, J.L. Examining trafficking statistics regarding Brazilian victims in Spain and Portugal. Crime Law Soc Change 63, 159–190 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-015-9562-x
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-015-9562-x