Abstract
Organized legal professions often play a central role in successful institutional development. The paper’s model examines how legal professions affect institutional reform. Professional review of reform proposals solves a politician’s informational problem in a way that makes democracy, political stability, and professional power substitutes. The model’s applicability is examined by showing that its predictions track the fortunes of lawyers in the USSR and early transition and are consistent with events in 1688 in England and 1789 in France, indicating why these two revolutions had different consequences. The model suggests why and when civil law and common law systems differ.
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Notes
“[There] can be no doubt that the profession’s knowledge about the intricacies of professional practice, the official and unofficial procedures, and the opportunities for manoeuvre and circumvention that these provide, is rarely rivaled. This is an immense source of power since it means that any attempt to change or control professional behavior by instituting new rules and procedures has to be negotiated with residential procedural experts, the practitioners who will actually implement the change.” (Burrage et al., 1990: 210).
The British Commonwealth legal systems seem to have gone farthest in the process of formalizing legal profession’s role by setting up Law Reform Commissions, dominated by professional lawyers and charged with reviewing all aspects of legal reform. See e.g. the Manitoba Law Reform Commission (2003). Governments, however, can also consult with prominent sub-groups or use independent, universally respected, members of the profession. The role of the American Law Institute in the US provides an example.
Two reforms of type j combined are equal to one reform of type j.
An example of reform 2 (4) might be a change in corporate law that makes financial markets less efficient, aiding dominant owners by reducing protections for minority shareholders. Reform 3 (5) could be an improvement in contract law that facilitates the use of collateral, aiding new businesses, but reducing entry barriers that protect existing firms. Both measures could belong in an omnibus finance-oriented institutional reform program, underscoring the relevance of the model to situations where packages of related reforms are combined into one program.
To further justify A3, observe that if it does not hold, B α3 and B β5 can be infinite.
If interest group α wants to submit both reforms 2 and 3 to A, for example, it must pay 2ΨαA .
A4 is formulated in strong terms to simplify the exposition. It is sufficient, not necessary. Its key implication is that the lobbying equilibrium within any time period results in only one of the following: (i) no lobbying or (ii) lobbying for 2 or 3 or both or (iii) lobbying for 4 or 5 or both. This implication is very innocuous given that α and β are in opposition (i.e., reforms 2 and 3 have the opposite effects of reforms 4 and 5).
This assumption closes the model without an infinite horizon. It is equivalent to focusing on a single reform process that must take place within a certain time window, which is a common feature of the circumstances surrounding institutional reforms.
Observe that \(\lambda < \bar{\lambda}\) implies that any politician in power accepts any reform program, submitted by α or by β. A might in principle (but not in equilibrium) receive reforms submitted by β in period 1. If A accepts any reform submitted by α, then A accepts any reform submitted from β, since β’s lobbying fee is higher and 4 and 5 are symmetric to 2 and 3.
Given that at most one reform program is implemented and the symmetry between α and A and β and B, nothing will occur in the second period, whoever is in power.
We omit stating a modified version of Proposition 1 for brevity only. As in equilibria with \(\lambda<\bar{\lambda}, \beta\) never lobbies for reforms.
As is typical of civil law countries, the legal profession in Russia is divided into separate groups. Some elements of the legal profession did attain higher status under Yeltsin, for example judges in the arbitrazh courts.
Our conclusion that common and civil law systems converge at highest levels of democracy is therefore in accordance with Glaeser and Shleifer’s (2002) analysis of circumstances under which the decisions made under bright line rules, predominantly characteristic of civil codes, and independent juries overlap.
Glaeser and Shleifer (2002) argue that transplantation might be particularly unsuccessful for civil law systems because of their reliance on bright-line rules, which need to be modified for a different setting. Given that the organized legal profession will be important in such modification, the two views are complementary.
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Acknowledgments
The authors thank Larry Ausubel, Chas Cadwell, Thomas Carothers, Kathryn Hendley, Simon Johnson, Pamela Jordan, Philip Keefer, Andrei Shleifer, Rodrigo Soares, Thomas Stratmann, John Wallis, Christopher Waters, and participants at seminars at the FTC, George Mason, Maryland, and the Inter-University Graduate Student Conference at Yale for helpful advice and comments. Peter Murrell gratefully acknowledges the support of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) through the Center on Institutional Reform and the Informal Sector (IRIS) at the University of Maryland. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of IRIS or USAID.
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Appendix Proofs of Propositions
Appendix Proofs of Propositions
Proposition 1
When \(\lambda<\bar{\lambda}\) the politician accepts all reform proposals. Consider reform j∈{2,3}. β will never want to lobby for j∈{2,3}, since B βj < 0 for j∈{2,3}. There are four possible sub-games at the beginning of period 2, depending on whether α chose to lobby for reform j∈{2,3} in period 1 or not and whether A or B is in power in period 2.
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1.
If α lobbied for j∈{2,3} in period 1 and A is in power in period 2, then the payoff to α when it lobbies for reform j∈{2,3} in period 2 is B αj − ΨαA and B αj when it does not lobby. Therefore, α does not lobby.
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2.
If α lobbied for j∈{2,3} in period 1 and B is in power in period 2, then the payoff to α when it lobbies for reform j∈{2,3} in period 2 is B αj − Ψ αB < 0 and 0 when it does not lobby. Therefore, α does not lobby.
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3.
If α did not lobby for j∈{2,3} in period 1 and politician A is in power in period 2, then the payoff to α when it lobbies for reform j∈{2,3} in period 2 is − ΨαA < 0 and 0 when it does not lobby. Therefore, α does not lobby.
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4.
If α did not lobby for j∈{2,3} in period 1 and politician B is in power in period 2, then the payoff to interest group α when it lobbies for reform j∈{2,3} in period 2 is − ΨαB < 0 and 0 when it does not lobby. Therefore, α does not lobby.
If α chooses to lobby for j∈{2,3} in period 1, its payoff is pB αj − ΨαA . If α chooses not to lobby for j∈{2,3} in period 1, its payoff is 0. Therefore, α chooses to lobby for j∈{2,3} in period 1 if and only if p ≥ ΨαA /B αj .
Consider now reform j∈{4,5}. α will never lobby for j∈{4,5}, since B αj < 0 for j∈{4,5}. There are four possible sub-games at the beginning of period 2, depending on whether β chose to lobby for j∈{4,5} in period 1 or not and whether politician A or politician B is in power in period 2.
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1.
If β lobbied for j∈{4,5} in period 1 and A is in power in period 2, then the payoff to β when it lobbies for j∈{4,5} in period 2 is B βj − ΨβA < 0 and B βj when it does not lobby. Therefore, β does not lobby.
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2.
If β lobbied for j∈{4,5} in period 1 and B is in power in period 2, then the payoff to β when it lobbies for j∈{4,5} in period 2 is B βj − ΨβB > 0 and 0 when it does not lobby. Therefore, β lobbies.
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3.
If β did not lobby for j∈{4,5} in period 1 and B is in power in period 2, then the payoff to β when it lobbies for j∈{4,5} in period 2 is − ΨβB < 0 and 0 when it does not lobby. Therefore, β does not lobby.
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4.
If β did not lobby for j∈{4,5} in period 1 and politician A is in power in period 2, then the payoff to β when it lobbies for j∈{4,5} in period 2 is − Ψ βA < 0 and 0 when it does not lobby. Therefore, β does not lobby.
If β chooses to lobby for j∈{4,5} in period 1, its payoff is \(pB_{\beta j}+(1-p)(B_{\beta j}-\Psi_{\beta B})- \Psi_{\beta A}<0\). If β chooses not to lobby for j∈{4,5} in period 1, its payoff is 0. Therefore, β chooses not to lobby for reform j∈{4,5} in period 1.
Proposition 2
If \(p<\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha3}, \alpha\) chooses not to lobby, so W + = 0 > W −. If \(\Psi _{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3}\leq p<\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 2}, \alpha\) lobbies for reform 3, so W + = p(B α3 + B β3) > W −. If p ≥ ΨαA /B α2, α lobbies for reforms 2 and 3, so \(W^{+}=p(B_{\alpha 2} +B_{\beta 2}+B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3})> W^{-}\).
Proposition 3
If p < ΨαA /B α3, α chooses not to lobby in period 1, so V + = 0 < V −.
If p ≥ ΨαA /B α2, α lobbies for 2 and 3 in period 1, so
If \(\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3}\leq p<\Psi_{\alpha A} /B_{\alpha 2}\), α lobbies for 3 in period 1, so \(V^{+}=\lambda p(B_{\alpha 3}+ B_{\beta 3})+\Psi_{\alpha A}\). Then,
The following is useful for the purposes of constructing a diagram to examine the trade-offs between λ and p. Observe that p *(λ)<(>)1 if and only if \(\lambda>(<) \underline{\lambda}\). It can be easily shown that \(\partial p^{\ast}(\lambda)/\partial\lambda< 0\) and \(\partial^{2}p^{*}(\lambda)/\partial \lambda^{2}>0\). Define
Then \(\underline{\lambda}<\lambda_{L}<\lambda _{H}<\bar{\lambda}, p^{\ast}(\lambda_{H}) =\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3}\) and p * (λ L ) = ΨαA /B α2.
Proposition 4
Define C m(p,λ) as the maximum political cost that the politician is willing to incur to remove the profession from its advisory role. If \(V^{+}< V^{-},C^{m}(p,\lambda)=V^{-}(p, \lambda)-V^{+}(p,\lambda)\) and if V + ≥ V −,C m(p,λ) = 0. More precisely,
The politician chooses not to use the profession for all values of λ and p such that C m(p,λ) > cλ. C m(p,λ) has the following properties:
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1.
When p < ΨαA /B α3 and \(\lambda <\bar{\lambda}\)
$$ \begin{aligned} \partial C^{m}(p,\lambda)/\partial p&=0,\\ \partial C^{m}(p,\lambda)/\partial\lambda&=[(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2})+(B_{\alpha 3} +B_{\beta 3})]-2\Psi_{\alpha A}< 0 \end{aligned} $$ -
2.
When \(p\in[\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3},\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 2})\) and p < p *(λ),
$$ \begin{aligned} \partial C^{m}(p,\lambda)/\partial p&=\lambda (B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2})< 0,\\ \partial C^{m}(p,\lambda)/\partial \lambda &=[(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2})+(B_{\alpha 3} +B_{\beta 3})]- p(B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3}) -\Psi_{\alpha A}< 0,\\ \partial^{2}C^{m}(p,\lambda)/\partial \lambda\partial p&=-(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta2})< 0. \end{aligned} $$ -
3.
Elsewhere, C m(p,λ) = 0.
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4.
Two additional properties that enable us to construct Fig. 6 are:
$$ \begin{aligned} &\left.{\partial C^m(p,\lambda^0)/\partial\lambda}\right|_{p<\Psi _{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3}} <\left.{\partial C^m(p,\lambda ^0)/\partial \lambda}\right|_{p=\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3}} \ \hbox{for all} \ \lambda ^0<\bar{\lambda}\\ &\left.{C^m(p,\lambda^0)}\right|_{p<\Psi_{\alpha A} /B_{\alpha 3}} >\left.{C^m(p,\lambda^0)}\right|_{p\in [\Psi_{\alpha A} /B_{\alpha 3},\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3}) \ \hbox{and} \ p< p\ast(\lambda^0)} \ \hbox{ for all} \ \lambda ^0< \bar {\lambda} \end{aligned} $$
The properties of C m(p,λ) summarized above imply then for any pair (p,c), there exists a unique value of λT(p,c) > 0 such that C m(p,λT(p,c)) = cλ T(p,c) if V + < V −. On the other hand, C m(p,λ) = 0 if V + ≥ V − and hence λT(p,c) = 0. This proves that λT(p,c) is a function. To prove that λT(p,c) is discontinuous at p = ΨαA /B α2 and at p = ΨαA /B α3, and points (ii)–(iv), note also the following:
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1.
When p < ΨαA /B α3, λ T(p,c) is defined by
$$ \begin{aligned} c\lambda^{T}(p,c)&=\lambda^{T}(p,c)(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2} +B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3})+(1-\lambda^{T}(p,c))2\Psi _{\alpha A}, \hbox{so that }\\ \lambda^{T}(p,c)&=2\Psi_{\alpha A}/[ c-(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2}+B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3}) +2\Psi_{\alpha A}].\hbox{ Then}, \partial \lambda^{T}(p,c)/\partial p=0. \end{aligned} $$ -
2.
When \(p\in[\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3},\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 2}), \lambda^{T}(p,c)\) is defined by
$$ \begin{aligned} &c\lambda^{T}(p,c)=\lambda ^{T}(p,c)(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2} +B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3})-p\lambda^{T}(p,c)(B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3})+(1 -\lambda^{T}(p,c))\Psi_{\alpha A},\hbox{ so that}\\ &\lambda ^{T}(p,c)=\Psi_{\alpha A}/[c-(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2}+B_{\alpha 3} +B_{\beta 3})+p(B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3})+\Psi_{\alpha A}]. \end{aligned} $$$$ \begin{aligned} &\partial \lambda^{T}(p,c)/\partial p=-(B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3})\lambda^{T}(p,c)/[c-(B_{\alpha 2} +B_{\beta 2}+B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3}) +(B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3})p+\Psi_{\alpha A}]< 0\hbox{ and}\\ &\partial^{2}\lambda^{T}(p,c)/\partial p^{2}> 0. \end{aligned} $$ -
3.
When p ≥ ΨαA /B α3, λT(p,c) = 0.
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4.
\(\left.\lambda^T(p,c^0)\right|_{p<\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3}}>\left.\lambda^T(p,c^0)\right|_{p\in [\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3},\Psi_{\alpha A} /B_{\alpha 2})}>\left.\lambda^T(p,c^0) \right|_{p\geq\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 2}}=0 \quad\hbox{for all} \quad c^0>0.\)
Proposition 5
Let c 1 > c 2 ≥ 0. Define \(\Delta ^{T}(p,c^{1},c^{2})= \lambda^{T}(p,c^{2})-\lambda^{T}(p,c^{1})\).
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1.
When \(p<\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3},\Delta ^{T}(p,c^{1},c^{2})=2\Psi_{\alpha A}/[c^{2}-(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2} +B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3})+2\Psi_{\alpha A}] -2\Psi_{\alpha A}/[c^{1}-(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2}+B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3}) +2\Psi_{\alpha A}]>0\hbox{ and }\partial\Delta ^{T}(p,c^{1},c^{2})/\partial p=0\).
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2.
When, \(p\in[\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3}, \Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 2})\).
$$\begin{aligned} &\Delta^{T}(p,c^{1},c^{2})=\Psi_{\alpha A}/[c^{2} -(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2}+B_{\alpha 3} +B_{\beta 3})+p(B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3}) +\Psi_{\alpha A}]-\\ &\Psi_{\alpha A}/[c^{1} -(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2}+B_{\alpha 3} +B_{\beta 3})+p(B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3}) +\Psi_{\alpha A}]>0\hbox{ and }\partial\Delta ^{T}(p,c^{1},c^{2})/\partial p<0 \end{aligned} $$ -
3.
When \(p\geq\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 2}, \lambda^{T}( p,c^{2})=\lambda^{T}(p,c^{1})=0,\hbox{ so }\Delta^{T}(p,c^{1} ,c^{2})=0\).
Note that when \(p<\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3}, \lambda^{T}(p,0)=\bar{\lambda}\) and when \(p\in[\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3},\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 2}),\lambda^{T}(p,0) =p{^\ast -1}(\lambda)\).
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Grajzl, P., Murrell, P. Lawyers and politicians: the impact of organized legal professions on institutional reforms. Constit Polit Econ 17, 251–276 (2006). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10602-006-9006-9
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10602-006-9006-9
Key word
- Organised legal profession
- Institutional reform
- Interest groups
- Civil law and common law
- Soviet Union
- Glorious Revolution