Skip to main content

Advertisement

Log in

Lawyers and politicians: the impact of organized legal professions on institutional reforms

  • Original Paper
  • Published:
Constitutional Political Economy Aims and scope Submit manuscript

Abstract

Organized legal professions often play a central role in successful institutional development. The paper’s model examines how legal professions affect institutional reform. Professional review of reform proposals solves a politician’s informational problem in a way that makes democracy, political stability, and professional power substitutes. The model’s applicability is examined by showing that its predictions track the fortunes of lawyers in the USSR and early transition and are consistent with events in 1688 in England and 1789 in France, indicating why these two revolutions had different consequences. The model suggests why and when civil law and common law systems differ.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this article

Price excludes VAT (USA)
Tax calculation will be finalised during checkout.

Instant access to the full article PDF.

Fig. 1
Fig. 2
Fig. 3
Fig. 4
Fig. 5

Similar content being viewed by others

Notes

  1. “[There] can be no doubt that the profession’s knowledge about the intricacies of professional practice, the official and unofficial procedures, and the opportunities for manoeuvre and circumvention that these provide, is rarely rivaled. This is an immense source of power since it means that any attempt to change or control professional behavior by instituting new rules and procedures has to be negotiated with residential procedural experts, the practitioners who will actually implement the change.” (Burrage et al., 1990: 210).

  2. The British Commonwealth legal systems seem to have gone farthest in the process of formalizing legal profession’s role by setting up Law Reform Commissions, dominated by professional lawyers and charged with reviewing all aspects of legal reform. See e.g. the Manitoba Law Reform Commission (2003). Governments, however, can also consult with prominent sub-groups or use independent, universally respected, members of the profession. The role of the American Law Institute in the US provides an example.

  3. Note that political contributions are pure transfers and do not appear in aggregate welfare. This way of accounting for social welfare is consistent with Shleifer and Vishny (1994), Persson and Tabellini (2000, Chapter 7), Persson (1998), and Grossman and Helpman (2001, Chapters 7 and 8).

  4. Two reforms of type j combined are equal to one reform of type j.

  5. An example of reform 2 (4) might be a change in corporate law that makes financial markets less efficient, aiding dominant owners by reducing protections for minority shareholders. Reform 3 (5) could be an improvement in contract law that facilitates the use of collateral, aiding new businesses, but reducing entry barriers that protect existing firms. Both measures could belong in an omnibus finance-oriented institutional reform program, underscoring the relevance of the model to situations where packages of related reforms are combined into one program.

  6. To further justify A3, observe that if it does not hold, B α3 and B β5 can be infinite.

  7. If interest group α wants to submit both reforms 2 and 3 to A, for example, it must pay 2ΨαA .

  8. The assumption of direct conflict is common in the analysis of the effect of interest groups on policy. See e.g. Grossman and Helpman (2001, Sect. 4.2.2, 8.4, and 9.3), Drazen (2000, Sect. 3.7, 13.5), and Mueller (1989: 108, 230, 245, 247, 279, and 453).

  9. A4 is formulated in strong terms to simplify the exposition. It is sufficient, not necessary. Its key implication is that the lobbying equilibrium within any time period results in only one of the following: (i) no lobbying or (ii) lobbying for 2 or 3 or both or (iii) lobbying for 4 or 5 or both. This implication is very innocuous given that α and β are in opposition (i.e., reforms 2 and 3 have the opposite effects of reforms 4 and 5).

  10. This assumption closes the model without an infinite horizon. It is equivalent to focusing on a single reform process that must take place within a certain time window, which is a common feature of the circumstances surrounding institutional reforms.

  11. Observe that \(\lambda < \bar{\lambda}\) implies that any politician in power accepts any reform program, submitted by α or by β. A might in principle (but not in equilibrium) receive reforms submitted by β in period 1. If A accepts any reform submitted by α, then A accepts any reform submitted from β, since β’s lobbying fee is higher and 4 and 5 are symmetric to 2 and 3.

  12. The adverse selection structure of the model thus resonates with Dewatripont and Maskin (1995) and Qian (1994), which focus on credit and soft budgets, respectively.

  13. Given that at most one reform program is implemented and the symmetry between α and A and β and B, nothing will occur in the second period, whoever is in power.

  14. We omit stating a modified version of Proposition 1 for brevity only. As in equilibria with \(\lambda<\bar{\lambda}, \beta\) never lobbies for reforms.

  15. As is typical of civil law countries, the legal profession in Russia is divided into separate groups. Some elements of the legal profession did attain higher status under Yeltsin, for example judges in the arbitrazh courts.

  16. The difference between the profession’s political power in common and civil law countries has been widely recognized in the sociological literature (Abel, 1995: 3; Burrage et al., 1990: 219–220; Cleaves, 1987: 10; Collins, 1990: 16; Halliday & Karpik, 1997b: 5, 354–355; Siegrist, 1990: 181–182).

  17. Our conclusion that common and civil law systems converge at highest levels of democracy is therefore in accordance with Glaeser and Shleifer’s (2002) analysis of circumstances under which the decisions made under bright line rules, predominantly characteristic of civil codes, and independent juries overlap.

  18. Glaeser and Shleifer (2002) argue that transplantation might be particularly unsuccessful for civil law systems because of their reliance on bright-line rules, which need to be modified for a different setting. Given that the organized legal profession will be important in such modification, the two views are complementary.

References

  • Abel, R. L. (1995). Revisioning lawyers. In: R. L. Abel, & P. S. C. Lewis (Eds.), lawyers in society: An overview. Berkley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Beck, T., Demirguc-Kunt, A., & Levine, R. (2003). Law and finance: does legal origin matter? Journal of Comparative Economics, 31, 653–675.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Bell, D. A. (1994). lawyers and citizens. the making of a political elite in old regime France. New York: Oxford University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Bell, D. A. (1997). Barristers, politics: and the failure of civil society in old regime France. In: T. C. Halliday, & L. Karpik (Eds.), Lawyers and the rise of western political liberalism: Europe and North America from the eighteenth to twentieth century. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

  • Berkowitz, D., Pistor, K., Richard, J.-F. (2003). Economic development, legality, and the transplant Effect. European Economic Review, 47(1), 165–195.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Brand, P. (1992). The origins of the English legal profession. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.

    Google Scholar 

  • Burrage, M. (1989). Revolution as a starting point for the comparative analysis of the French, American, and English legal profession. In: R. L. Abel, & P. S. C. Lewis, (Eds.), Lawyers in society, volume three, comparative theories. Berkley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Burrage, M. (1997). Mrs Thatcher against the ‘Little Republics’: ideology, precedents, and reactions. In: T. C. Halliday, & L. Karpik (Eds.), Lawyers and the rise of western political liberalism: Europe and North America from the eighteenth to twentieth century. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Burrage, M., Torstendahl, R. (Eds.), (1990). The formation of professions. Knowledge, state and strategy. London: SAGE Publications.

    Google Scholar 

  • Burrage, M., Jarausch, K., & Siegrist, H. (1990). An actor-based framework for the study of the professions. In: M. Burrage, & R. Torstendahl (Eds.), Professions in theory and history: rethinking the study of the professions. London: SAGE Publications.

    Google Scholar 

  • Cadiet, L. (1999). Civil justice reform: Access, cost, and delay. the French perspective. In: A. Zuckerman (Ed.), Civil justice in crisis: Comparative perspectives of civil procedure. New York: Oxford Univeristy Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Carruthers, B., & Halliday, T. (2000). Professionals in systemic reform of bankruptcy law: The 1978 U.S. Bankruptcy Code and the English Insolvency Act 1986. American Bankruptcy Law Journal, 74, 35–75.

    Google Scholar 

  • Cleaves, P. S. (1987) Professions and the state: The Mexican case. Tucson: The University of Arizona Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Collins, R. (1990). Changing conceptions in the sociology of professions. In: R. Torstendahl, & M. Burrage (Eds.), the formation of professions: Knowledge, state and strategy. London: SAGE Publications.

    Google Scholar 

  • Datta, S. K., & Nugent, J. B. (1986). Adversary activities and per capita income growth. World Development, 14(12), 1457–1461.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • David, R., & de Vries, H. (1958). The French legal system: An introduction to civil law systems. New York: Oceana Publications.

    Google Scholar 

  • Dewatripont, M., & Maskin, E. (1995). Credit and efficiency in centralized and decentralized economies. Review of Economic Studies, 62(4), 541–555.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Djankov, S., Glaeser, E., La Porta, R., Lopez-de-Silanes, F., & Shleifer, A. (2003). The new comparative economics. Journal of Comparative Economics, 31(4), 595–619.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Drazen, A. (2000). Political economy in macroeconomics. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Glaeser, E., & Shleifer, A. (2002). Legal origins. Quarterly Journal of Economics, 117(4), 1193–1229.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Gostynski, Z., & Garfield, A. (1993). Taking the other road: polish legal education during the past thirty years. Temple International and Comparative Law Journal, 7(2), 243–286.

    Google Scholar 

  • Grossman, G. M., & Helpman, E. (2001). Special interest politics. Cambridge: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Halliday, T. C., & Karpik, L. (Eds)., (1997a). Lawyers and the rise of western political liberalism. Europe and North America from the eighteenth to twentieth century. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Halliday, T. C., Karpik, L. (1997b). Postscript: Lawyers, Political Liberalism, and Globalization. In: T. C. Halliday, & L. Karpik (Eds.), Lawyers and the rise of western political liberalism: Europe and North America from the eighteenth to twentieth century. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Hasebe, Y. (1999). Civil justice reform: Access, cost, and expedition. The Japanese perspective. In: A. Zuckerman (Ed.), Civil justice in crisis: Comparative perspectives of civil procedure. New York: Oxford University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Huskey, E. (1982). the limits to institutional autonomy in the Soviet Union: The case of the Advokatura. Soviet Studies, 34(2), 200–227.

    Google Scholar 

  • Huyse, L. (1995). Legal experts in Belgium. In: R. L. Abel, & P. S. C. Lewis (Eds.), lawyers in society: An overview. Berkley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Jarausch, K. H. (1990). The unfree professions. German lawyers, teachers, and engineers, 1900–1950. New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Johnson, T. (1973). Imperialism and the professions: Notes on the development of professional occupations in Britain’s colonies and the new states. In: P. Halmos (Ed.), The Sociological review monograph 20, professionalization and social change. Keele University: Keele.

    Google Scholar 

  • Jordan, P. (1998). The Russian Advokatura (Bar) and the state in the 1990s. Europe–Asia Studies, 50(5), 765–91.

    Google Scholar 

  • Karpik, L. (1988). Lawyers and politics in France, 1814–1950: The state, the market and the public. Law & Social Inquiry, 13(4), 707–736.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Karpik, L. (1999). French lawyers. A study in collective action 1274 to 1994. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Kocka, J. (1990). ‘Bürgertum’ and professions in the 19th century: Two alternative approaches. In: M. Burrage, & R. Torstendahl (Eds.), Professions in theory and history: Rethinking the study of the professions. London: SAGE Publications.

    Google Scholar 

  • Krause, E. A. (1991). Professions and the state in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe: Theoretical issues. In: A. Jones (Ed.), Professions and the state: Expertise and autonomy in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • La Porta, R., Lopez-de-Silanes, F., Pop-Eleches, C., & Shleifer, A. (2004). Judicial checks and balances. Journal of Political Economy, 112(2), 445–470.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • La Porta, R., Lopez-de-Silanes, F., Shleifer, A., & Vishny, R. (1998). Law and finance. Journal of Political Economy, 106, 1113–1155.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Landon, M. (1970). The triumph of the lawyers: Their role in English politics, 1678–1689. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • McCain, M. (1982). A Soviet lawyers in the reform debate: Cohesion and efficacy. Soviet Studies, 34(1), 3–22.

    Google Scholar 

  • Manitoba Law Reform Commission (2003). http://www.gov.mb.ca/justice/mlrc.

  • Mueller, D. (1989). Public choice II. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Murphy, K., Shleifer, A., & Vishny, R. (1991). The allocation of talent: Implications for growth. Quarterly Journal of Economics, 106(2), 503–530.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • North, D. C. (1990). Institutions, institutional change, and economic performance. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Pei, M. (2001). Does legal reform protect economic transactions? Commercial disputes in China. In: P. Murrell, (Ed.), Assessing the value of law in transition economies. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Persson, T. (1998). Economic policy and special interest politics. Economic Journal, 108, 310–327.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Persson, T., & Tabellini, G. (2000). Political economics: Explaining economic policy. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Plucknett, T. F. T. (1983). Studies in English legal history. London: The Hambledon Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Poole, K. T., & Romer, T. (1985). Patterns of political action committee contributions to the 1980 campaigns for the U.S. house of representatives. Public Choice, 47(1), 63–112.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Poole, K. T., Romer, T., & Rosenthal, H. (1987). The revealed preferences of political action committees. American Economic Review, 77(2), 298–302.

    Google Scholar 

  • Posner, R. A. (1995). Overcoming law. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Qian, Y. (1994). A theory of shortage in socialist economies based on the ‘Soft Budget Constraint’. American Economic Review, 84(1), 145–156.

    Google Scholar 

  • Rajan R., & Zingales, L. (2003). The great reversals: The politics of financial development in the 20th century. Journal of Financial Economics, 69, 5–50.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Rich, W. A. (1997). Poland’s new collateral law. Law in Transition, Summer 1997 (July), 1–6.

  • Rodrik, D., Subramanian, A., & Trebbi, F. (2004). Institutions rule: The primacy of institutions over geography and integration in economic development. Journal of Economic Growth, 9, 131–165.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Rokumoto, K. (1995). The present state of Japanese practicing attorneys: On the way to full professionalization?. In: R. L. Abel, & P. S. C. Lewis (Eds.), Lawyers in society: An overview. Berkley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Rose, J. (1998). The legal profession in medieval England: A history of regulation. Syracuse Law Review, 48(1), 1–137.

    Google Scholar 

  • Rueschemeyer, D. (1997). State, capitalism, and the organization of legal counsel: Examining an extreme case – the Prussian Bar, 1700–1914. In: T. C. Halliday, & L. Karpik, (Eds.), Lawyers and the rise of western political liberalism: Europe and North America from the eighteenth to twentieth century. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Shapiro, I. (1961). The Soviet Bar-past and present. Russian Review, 20(2), 143–150.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Shelley, L. I. (1991). Lawyers in Soviet Union. In: A. Jones (Ed.), Professions and the state: Expertise and autonomy in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Shleifer, A., & Vishny, R. (1994). Politicians and firms. Quarterly Journal of Economics, 109(4), 995–1025.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Siegrist, H. (1990). Professionalization as a process: Patterns, progression and discontinuity. In: M. Burrage, & R. Torstendahl (Eds.), Professions in theory and history: Rethinking the study of the professions. London: SAGE Publications.

    Google Scholar 

  • Stigler, G. (1971). The theory of economic regulation. Bell Journal, 2, 137–146.

    Google Scholar 

  • Stratmann, T. (1991). What do campaign contributions buy? Deciphering causal effects of money and votes. Southern Economic Journal, 57(3), 606–620.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Stratmann, T. (1995). Campaign contributions and congressional voting: Does the timing of contributions matter? Review of Economics and Statistics, 77(1), 127–136.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Stratmann, T. (2002). Can special interests buy congressional votes? Evidence from financial services legislation. Journal of Law and Economics, 45(2), 345–374.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Trevelyan, G. M. (1967). The English revolution, 1688–1689. New York: Oxford University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Waters, C. P. M. (2004). Counsel in the caucasus: Professionalization and law in Georgia. The Hague/London/New York: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers.

    Google Scholar 

  • Weisbrot, D. (1988). The Australian legal profession. From provincial family firms to multinationals. In: R. L. Abel, & Lewis P. S. C. (Eds.), Lawyers in society, volume one, the common law world. Berkley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Zimmerman, R. (1996). An introduction to German legal culture. In: W. F. Ebke & M. W. Finkin (Eds.), Introduction to German law. The Hague: Kluwer.

    Google Scholar 

Download references

Acknowledgments

The authors thank Larry Ausubel, Chas Cadwell, Thomas Carothers, Kathryn Hendley, Simon Johnson, Pamela Jordan, Philip Keefer, Andrei Shleifer, Rodrigo Soares, Thomas Stratmann, John Wallis, Christopher Waters, and participants at seminars at the FTC, George Mason, Maryland, and the Inter-University Graduate Student Conference at Yale for helpful advice and comments. Peter Murrell gratefully acknowledges the support of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) through the Center on Institutional Reform and the Informal Sector (IRIS) at the University of Maryland. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of IRIS or USAID.

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Peter Grajzl.

Appendix Proofs of Propositions

Appendix Proofs of Propositions

Proposition 1

When \(\lambda<\bar{\lambda}\) the politician accepts all reform proposals. Consider reform j∈{2,3}. β will never want to lobby for j∈{2,3}, since B βj  < 0 for j∈{2,3}. There are four possible sub-games at the beginning of period 2, depending on whether α chose to lobby for reform j∈{2,3} in period 1 or not and whether A or B is in power in period 2.

  1. 1.

    If α lobbied for j∈{2,3} in period 1 and A is in power in period 2, then the payoff to α when it lobbies for reform j∈{2,3} in period 2 is B αj  − ΨαA and B αj when it does not lobby. Therefore, α does not lobby.

  2. 2.

    If α lobbied for j∈{2,3} in period 1 and B is in power in period 2, then the payoff to α when it lobbies for reform j∈{2,3} in period 2 is B αj  − Ψ αB  < 0 and 0 when it does not lobby. Therefore, α does not lobby.

  3. 3.

    If α did not lobby for j∈{2,3} in period 1 and politician A is in power in period 2, then the payoff to α when it lobbies for reform j∈{2,3} in period 2 is − ΨαA  < 0 and 0 when it does not lobby. Therefore, α does not lobby.

  4. 4.

    If α did not lobby for j∈{2,3} in period 1 and politician B is in power in period 2, then the payoff to interest group α when it lobbies for reform j∈{2,3} in period 2 is − ΨαB  < 0 and 0 when it does not lobby. Therefore, α does not lobby.

If α chooses to lobby for j∈{2,3} in period 1, its payoff is pB αj  − ΨαA . If α chooses not to lobby for j∈{2,3} in period 1, its payoff is 0. Therefore, α chooses to lobby for j∈{2,3} in period 1 if and only if p ≥ ΨαA /B αj .

Consider now reform j∈{4,5}. α will never lobby for j∈{4,5}, since B αj  < 0 for j∈{4,5}. There are four possible sub-games at the beginning of period 2, depending on whether β chose to lobby for j∈{4,5} in period 1 or not and whether politician A or politician B is in power in period 2.

  1. 1.

    If β lobbied for j∈{4,5} in period 1 and A is in power in period 2, then the payoff to β when it lobbies for j∈{4,5} in period 2 is B βj  − ΨβA  < 0 and B βj when it does not lobby. Therefore, β does not lobby.

  2. 2.

    If β lobbied for j∈{4,5} in period 1 and B is in power in period 2, then the payoff to β when it lobbies for j∈{4,5} in period 2 is B βj  − ΨβB  > 0 and 0 when it does not lobby. Therefore, β lobbies.

  3. 3.

    If β did not lobby for j∈{4,5} in period 1 and B is in power in period 2, then the payoff to β when it lobbies for j∈{4,5} in period 2 is − ΨβB  < 0 and 0 when it does not lobby. Therefore, β does not lobby.

  4. 4.

    If β did not lobby for j∈{4,5} in period 1 and politician A is in power in period 2, then the payoff to β when it lobbies for j∈{4,5} in period 2 is − Ψ βA  < 0 and 0 when it does not lobby. Therefore, β does not lobby.

If β chooses to lobby for j∈{4,5} in period 1, its payoff is \(pB_{\beta j}+(1-p)(B_{\beta j}-\Psi_{\beta B})- \Psi_{\beta A}<0\). If β chooses not to lobby for j∈{4,5} in period 1, its payoff is 0. Therefore, β chooses not to lobby for reform j∈{4,5} in period 1.

Proposition 2

If \(p<\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha3}, \alpha\) chooses not to lobby, so W + = 0 > W . If \(\Psi _{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3}\leq p<\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 2}, \alpha\) lobbies for reform 3, so W + = p(B α3 + B β3) > W . If p ≥ ΨαA /B α2, α lobbies for reforms 2 and 3, so \(W^{+}=p(B_{\alpha 2} +B_{\beta 2}+B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3})> W^{-}\).

Proposition 3

If p < ΨαA /B α3, α chooses not to lobby in period 1, so V + = 0 < V .

If p ≥ ΨαA /B α2, α lobbies for 2 and 3 in period 1, so

$$V^{+}=\lambda p(B_{\alpha 2}+B_\beta 2+B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3})+(1-\lambda)2\Psi_{\alpha A}> V^{-}. $$

If \(\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3}\leq p<\Psi_{\alpha A} /B_{\alpha 2}\), α lobbies for 3 in period 1, so \(V^{+}=\lambda p(B_{\alpha 3}+ B_{\beta 3})+\Psi_{\alpha A}\). Then,

$$ V^{+}>(<)V^{-}\Leftrightarrow p>(<) p^{\ast}(\lambda)\equiv1+[\lambda(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2})+(1-\lambda)\Psi_{\alpha A}] /[\lambda(B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3})]. $$

The following is useful for the purposes of constructing a diagram to examine the trade-offs between λ and p. Observe that p *(λ)<(>)1 if and only if \(\lambda>(<) \underline{\lambda}\). It can be easily shown that \(\partial p^{\ast}(\lambda)/\partial\lambda< 0\) and \(\partial^{2}p^{*}(\lambda)/\partial \lambda^{2}>0\). Define

$$ \begin{aligned} \lambda_{L}&=\Psi_{\alpha A}/[(\Psi_{\alpha A} /B_{\alpha 2}-1)(B_{\alpha 3} +B_{\beta 3})+|B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta2}|+\Psi_{\alpha A}]\hbox{ and}\\ \lambda_{H}&=\Psi _{\alpha A}/[(\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3} -1)(B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3})+|B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2}| +\Psi_{\alpha A}]. \end{aligned} $$

Then \(\underline{\lambda}<\lambda_{L}<\lambda _{H}<\bar{\lambda}, p^{\ast}(\lambda_{H}) =\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3}\) and p * L ) = ΨαA /B α2.

Proposition 4

Define C m(p,λ) as the maximum political cost that the politician is willing to incur to remove the profession from its advisory role. If \(V^{+}< V^{-},C^{m}(p,\lambda)=V^{-}(p, \lambda)-V^{+}(p,\lambda)\) and if V + ≥ V ,C m(p,λ) = 0. More precisely,

$$ \begin{aligned} C^{m}(p,\lambda)=\left\{\begin{array}{ll} \lambda[(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2})+(B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3})]+(1-\lambda)2\Psi_{\alpha A},& \hbox{when} p<\Psi _{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3}\hbox{and}\lambda<\bar{\lambda}\\ \lambda[(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta2}) +(B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3})]-p\lambda(B_{\alpha3} +B_{\beta 3})+(1-\lambda)2\Psi_{\alpha A},& \hbox{when} p< p^{*}(\lambda) \hbox{ and} p\in[\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3},\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 2})\\ 0,&\hbox{elsewhere}.\end{array} \right. \end{aligned} $$

The politician chooses not to use the profession for all values of λ and p such that C m(p,λ) > cλ. C m(p,λ) has the following properties:

  1. 1.

    When p < ΨαA /B α3 and \(\lambda <\bar{\lambda}\)

    $$ \begin{aligned} \partial C^{m}(p,\lambda)/\partial p&=0,\\ \partial C^{m}(p,\lambda)/\partial\lambda&=[(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2})+(B_{\alpha 3} +B_{\beta 3})]-2\Psi_{\alpha A}< 0 \end{aligned} $$
  2. 2.

    When \(p\in[\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3},\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 2})\) and p < p *(λ),

    $$ \begin{aligned} \partial C^{m}(p,\lambda)/\partial p&=\lambda (B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2})< 0,\\ \partial C^{m}(p,\lambda)/\partial \lambda &=[(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2})+(B_{\alpha 3} +B_{\beta 3})]- p(B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3}) -\Psi_{\alpha A}< 0,\\ \partial^{2}C^{m}(p,\lambda)/\partial \lambda\partial p&=-(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta2})< 0. \end{aligned} $$
  3. 3.

    Elsewhere, C m(p,λ) = 0.

  4. 4.

    Two additional properties that enable us to construct Fig. 6 are:

    $$ \begin{aligned} &\left.{\partial C^m(p,\lambda^0)/\partial\lambda}\right|_{p<\Psi _{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3}} <\left.{\partial C^m(p,\lambda ^0)/\partial \lambda}\right|_{p=\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3}} \ \hbox{for all} \ \lambda ^0<\bar{\lambda}\\ &\left.{C^m(p,\lambda^0)}\right|_{p<\Psi_{\alpha A} /B_{\alpha 3}} >\left.{C^m(p,\lambda^0)}\right|_{p\in [\Psi_{\alpha A} /B_{\alpha 3},\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3}) \ \hbox{and} \ p< p\ast(\lambda^0)} \ \hbox{ for all} \ \lambda ^0< \bar {\lambda} \end{aligned} $$
Fig. 6
figure 6

The political cost of removing the legal profession

The properties of C m(p,λ) summarized above imply then for any pair (p,c), there exists a unique value of λT(p,c) > 0 such that C m(pT(p,c)) = cλ T(p,c) if V + < V . On the other hand, C m(p,λ) = 0 if V + ≥ V and hence λT(p,c) = 0. This proves that λT(p,c) is a function. To prove that λT(p,c) is discontinuous at p = ΨαA /B α2 and at p = ΨαA /B α3, and points (ii)–(iv), note also the following:

  1. 1.

    When p < ΨαA /B α3, λ T(p,c) is defined by

    $$ \begin{aligned} c\lambda^{T}(p,c)&=\lambda^{T}(p,c)(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2} +B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3})+(1-\lambda^{T}(p,c))2\Psi _{\alpha A}, \hbox{so that }\\ \lambda^{T}(p,c)&=2\Psi_{\alpha A}/[ c-(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2}+B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3}) +2\Psi_{\alpha A}].\hbox{ Then}, \partial \lambda^{T}(p,c)/\partial p=0. \end{aligned} $$
  2. 2.

    When \(p\in[\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3},\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 2}), \lambda^{T}(p,c)\) is defined by

    $$ \begin{aligned} &c\lambda^{T}(p,c)=\lambda ^{T}(p,c)(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2} +B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3})-p\lambda^{T}(p,c)(B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3})+(1 -\lambda^{T}(p,c))\Psi_{\alpha A},\hbox{ so that}\\ &\lambda ^{T}(p,c)=\Psi_{\alpha A}/[c-(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2}+B_{\alpha 3} +B_{\beta 3})+p(B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3})+\Psi_{\alpha A}]. \end{aligned} $$
    $$ \begin{aligned} &\partial \lambda^{T}(p,c)/\partial p=-(B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3})\lambda^{T}(p,c)/[c-(B_{\alpha 2} +B_{\beta 2}+B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3}) +(B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3})p+\Psi_{\alpha A}]< 0\hbox{ and}\\ &\partial^{2}\lambda^{T}(p,c)/\partial p^{2}> 0. \end{aligned} $$
  3. 3.

    When p ≥ ΨαA /B α3, λT(p,c) = 0.

  4. 4.

    \(\left.\lambda^T(p,c^0)\right|_{p<\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3}}>\left.\lambda^T(p,c^0)\right|_{p\in [\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3},\Psi_{\alpha A} /B_{\alpha 2})}>\left.\lambda^T(p,c^0) \right|_{p\geq\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 2}}=0 \quad\hbox{for all} \quad c^0>0.\)

Proposition 5

Let c 1 > c 2 ≥ 0. Define \(\Delta ^{T}(p,c^{1},c^{2})= \lambda^{T}(p,c^{2})-\lambda^{T}(p,c^{1})\).

  1. 1.

    When \(p<\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3},\Delta ^{T}(p,c^{1},c^{2})=2\Psi_{\alpha A}/[c^{2}-(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2} +B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3})+2\Psi_{\alpha A}] -2\Psi_{\alpha A}/[c^{1}-(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2}+B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3}) +2\Psi_{\alpha A}]>0\hbox{ and }\partial\Delta ^{T}(p,c^{1},c^{2})/\partial p=0\).

  2. 2.

    When, \(p\in[\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3}, \Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 2})\).

    $$\begin{aligned} &\Delta^{T}(p,c^{1},c^{2})=\Psi_{\alpha A}/[c^{2} -(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2}+B_{\alpha 3} +B_{\beta 3})+p(B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3}) +\Psi_{\alpha A}]-\\ &\Psi_{\alpha A}/[c^{1} -(B_{\alpha 2}+B_{\beta 2}+B_{\alpha 3} +B_{\beta 3})+p(B_{\alpha 3}+B_{\beta 3}) +\Psi_{\alpha A}]>0\hbox{ and }\partial\Delta ^{T}(p,c^{1},c^{2})/\partial p<0 \end{aligned} $$
  3. 3.

    When \(p\geq\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 2}, \lambda^{T}( p,c^{2})=\lambda^{T}(p,c^{1})=0,\hbox{ so }\Delta^{T}(p,c^{1} ,c^{2})=0\).

Note that when \(p<\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3}, \lambda^{T}(p,0)=\bar{\lambda}\) and when \(p\in[\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 3},\Psi_{\alpha A}/B_{\alpha 2}),\lambda^{T}(p,0) =p{^\ast -1}(\lambda)\).

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

About this article

Cite this article

Grajzl, P., Murrell, P. Lawyers and politicians: the impact of organized legal professions on institutional reforms. Constit Polit Econ 17, 251–276 (2006). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10602-006-9006-9

Download citation

  • Published:

  • Issue Date:

  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10602-006-9006-9

Key word

JEL Classifications

Navigation