Abstract
Historical settings structure how archivists and museum staff understand their work and how they apply relevant professional principles including the three core principles of provenance, context, and original identification. Their professional practices shape how the public understands or reads “original” artifacts and records. In helping to define what originals (artifacts and documents) are at a particular point in time, archivists and museum staff reinforce, support, or contradict theoretical paradigms, discourses, and social narratives on ethnicity, empire/internal colonialism, class, and gender among others. The article discusses two exemplary cases from the museum world that illustrate how the application of the three core principles is influenced by historical conditions and theoretical concepts and how these contingent applications influence what originals come to signify. In the first example, the theoretical concept of social evolution and the World Columbian Exposition in Chicago informed the founding, collecting, describing, and displaying of American Indian objects at the Field Museum of Natural History in 1894. Reflecting this, provenance, context, and original identifications were defined to mean different things for Euro-American versus American Indian objects and records, and Native Americans and others challenged these definitions and practices at the time. In the second example, the 1929–1933 making and displaying of the Hall of Races, a specific race anthropological understanding of race created unambiguous race anthropological provenance, context and original titles (identifications) for both the exhibit and individual race sculptures. By altering information concerning the three principles over the next 60 years, the Field Museum consciously destroyed the integrity of the originals and their meanings. The exhibit had become a political liability and the museum wanted to erase any trace of the race anthropological roots of the project and its sculptures. The article ends by asserting the contingency and importance of the three core principles for archivists and museum staff regardless of the format of the material involved and adds a few related observations for our contemporary hybrid, that means physical and digital, work world.
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Notes
See for example, Head (2007), De Vivo (2010), Holmes (2006) or ISAD (G) 2nd edition (International Council on Archives 1999) which possibly implies the use of original identifications. While recent archival standards do not differentiate between original and devised identification/title (e.g., DACS), MARC, AACR2 and DCRM (B) clearly distinguish between the two for books. DCRM (MMS), currently available as a 2012 draft, stipulates that a devised title for manuscripts has to be indicated in a note.
At the archives where I work we have a policy according to which we use brackets to indicate and thus distinguish these added from original identifiers, akin to brackets indicating scientific comments or errors in the scholarly literature. When titles are added to all items of a series, we note this in series and processing notes and leave out the brackets.
In the nineteenth century and in at least the first half of the twentieth century, race anthropology or physical anthropology of race was premised on the notion that biologically distinct races existed and that these determined human history in most or all of its details; for early histories of race theories see Poliakov et al. (1975), Banton (1977), Chase (1977) and Mosse (1978).
Terms referring to indigenous peoples of the United States vary from “American Indian,” “Indians,” “Native Americans,” to others and represent terminology used by particular people at particular times and evoke particular politics. A certain insecurity in how to refer to ethnic groups is wholesome, in my view, as it reminds us how such definitions and boundaries are very much culturally and historically contingent.
See for example, the article by William Healey Dall (1893), The Nation’s science correspondent at the Columbian Exposition. Dall (1845–1927) was a renowned naturalist and professor of invertebrate paleontology at the Wagner Institute of Science, Philadelphia, had published about Northwest tribes and Alaska’s exploration, and had served as honorary curator of the National Museum since 1880.
The Fair portrayed men’s progress, see Rydell (1993: 151–156) regarding the Fair’s policy of isolating women and particularly progressive women and their displays.
See also The Indian’s Friend, the journal of the Women’s National Indian Association, for articles on Native American displays at the Fair, for example, Gilman (1893) A fairness to the Indian—all written by women.
My source is an original edition of Pokagon’s booklet available at the Wisconsin Historical Society (no publisher, probably 1892, although later editions may exist). As part of her anniversary article about the Chicago treaty (1833) and in time for the Century of Progress Fair in Chicago in 1933, Buechner (1933) republished Pokagon’s booklet but failed to inform her readers that she had “improved” on the original text in hundreds of cases.
Pokagon’s 1893 letter to mayor Harrison in Engle (1899) and Rydell (1993). The Fair also largely succeeded in keeping out African Americans and depicted them within the same social evolutionary hierarchy; see Shaw (1992 reprint). The title of a collectively published book states this clearly: The Reason Why the Colored American is Not in the World’s Columbian Exposition: the Afro-American’s contribution to Columbian literature (1893), ed. Ida B. Wells. About 10,000 copies of this pamphlet were handed out at the Fair’s Haitian building, the only location where Frederick Douglass was permitted to be present. See Duster (1970), Gullet (1991), and Rydell (1993) for the few African American displays and African American critiques of the notion of progress as it related to Southern working conditions at the Congress on Labor. African American women were only allowed to speak for themselves at the Congress of Representative Women.
Quotes and information: Lockwood (1929): pp. 80–85, p. 221; p. 225; pp. 223–224. Report of Secretary Lane August, 1917; on pp. 228/229, Letter to Secretary Lane, March 10, 1918, and Letter of March 12, 1918.
The Board of Trustees voted to change the name on May 21, 1894. A year before his death, Marshall Field gave another $8,000,000 for a new museum building bringing his total donations to $9,430,000. The museum dropped “Columbian” in its name shortly before Marshall Field’s death in 1906. During the war, Stanley Field (nephew of Marshall Field and president from 1909–1964) and Marshall Field III (Marshall’s grandson and trustee) suggested changing the name to Chicago Historical Museum “to identify the museum’s ownership more closely with the people of Chicago” (Manly 1956). Its name was changed on the museum’s 50th anniversary.
Two examples: whereas their employers made large donations to establish a private museum, Marshall Field workers had not received a wage increase for most of the period from 1865 to 1900; Pullman company workers began their famous strike in 1894 protesting low wages and announced wage cuts of 33.5% after the company had paid out an additional dividend of more than ten percent in 1893, The Chicago Strike, The Chautauquan (June 1895).
See the Annual reports of the director to the board of trustees (from now on AROD) 1926: 20. The Field Museum Newsletter (FMN) later called Field Museum Bulletin (FMB) was first published in January 1930. Prior to 1930, the only museum publications were the AROD and Fieldiana, the Field’s scientific publication.
From now on An Historical and Descriptive Account (1894).
Museum donors underreported their assets in their tax assessments, in the case of Marshall Field for instance by a factor of about 100. In contrast to his tax assessments of $20,000 (1893), (Stead 1894, Twyman 1954), his retail and wholesale departments had yearly sales of 35 million dollars in 1891 and close friends (other reliable estimates did not exist) estimated his fortune to be about thirty-five million dollars at the time, equivalent to half of the US government deficit for the fiscal year of 1894 ($69,803,260.58) or twice that deficit for the fiscal year of 1895 ($20,000,000); see Biographical dictionary and portrait gallery … (1893) and Twyman (1954); for government statistics see The Chautauquan (June 1895).
A Guide to the Field Columbian Museum (1894) (from now on: A Guide 1894), undated, edition unclear (AROD 1894/95). The guide (263 pages), upon which the following discussion is based, is either the second or third edition. The first edition had 248 pages and lacked accurate plans and even descriptions (AROD 1894/95, pp. 10–12), while the second edition of 263 pages had been “improved” and the third seems to have been its precise duplicate (AROD 1894/95). For other early descriptions see for example, Scientific American (supplement) 1901; Meyer (1905); Dorsey (1900), and An Historical and Descriptive Account (1894).
According to Dorsey (1900: 252), Franz Boas directed the installation of anthropology displays until April 15, 1894, after which W. H. Holmes took over.
Un-accessioned and unprocessed old exhibit labels, box 2/2, Field Anthropology Department. For decades, the Field Museum did not exhibit culturally “mixed” American Indian objects or when it did, it never commented on mixed and modern aspects in these objects as indicative of historical and cultural changes in American Indian life. Only for a few years, did the Field have a Hall of Primitive Art (opened 1961), in which Native American and other art objects clearly commented on colonial experiences; Lewis (1961). It is solely in its membership newsletter, FMN, that the museum published a few articles on mixed items, for example: Quimby (1950), Spoehr (1947) and Quimby and Spoehr (1951).
For summary of the history of European and US race theories from the sixteenth to early twentieth century see Belovari (1997 and 1998). The following section is based on the correspondence between Henry Field, consulting scientists, and the sculptor, Malvina Hoffman: Field Henry Correspondence (Field Museum Library as of 1996), and two boxes of Hoffman correspondence, Hoffman Correspondence ABH.I and ABH.II to which is added the number of the folder and the date, available at the Field Museum archives. According to Field staff Hoffman had written weekly reports to the Field’s president Stanley Field which are supposedly preserved in the Field’s archives. With a few exceptions I have been unable to locate the reports, the lack of which structures my interpretation in unpredictable ways. The missing reports are rumored to show major disagreements among staff about the project in the 1930s. In all the correspondence available to me, the only disagreements concerned minor details, for example, some features of a particular race sculpture or the Hall’s overall design (e.g., wall colors). Records neither indicate disagreements about the race anthropological premises nor about the process of creating composite “scientific race” sculptures. See Belovari (1997) for a discussion of research regarding the Hall of Races. While Rosen (2001) shows many interesting parallels with her argument, he fails to cite Belovari (1997) and ultimately reiterates the traditional art history interpretation of the race project. Gene Dillenburg kindly located two volumes/folders stored in the Department of Anthropology, labelled “Physical Anthropology”, that contained photographs of sculptures and exhibit cases of the Section D.
See Field Museum archives for his papers, which largely relate to his research projects and publications.
The Field Museum insisted that the general public could not purchase race type busts whose likeness (but not measurements) had been modeled after famous people, for example, busts of Sir Arthur Keith, Hoffman’s French forger Alexis Rudier, and Dr. Won and Dr. Hu Shi. The husband of another Chinese model protested about “the impertinence to place a distinguished and cultured Chinese lady among representatives of savages, negroes, etc.” See September 27, 1933, list of Heads, included in Hoffmann Correspondence ABH.I. no. 4, August–September 1933; for Mr. Wu Lien-teh’s complaint see his letter to Director of Field Museum, June 21, 1933, Hoffmann Correspondence ABH.II., no. 19, and subsequent correspondence.
Until the 1990s, dozens of the race sculptures were displayed in carefully selected spaces in order to disassociate them from the Field Museum’s anthropology exhibits as explained by the curator of Prehistory: “If the sculptures are displayed as a collection of ‘Portraits of Man’—portraits of individuals from here and there about the world “in a context divorced from anthropology exhibits, it is felt that the viewer will be less apt to take them as a statement on race than if they were displayed in an anthropological context;” Cole Glen, Field internal communication, suggested letter re: display of Malvina Hoffman sculptures, December 1984.
By definition race anthropologists identifies race as an operative and determinant factor in human history.
The hall was originally called the Hall of Races or Chauncey Keep's Memorial Hall. Keep, a businessman and trustee from 1915-1929, bequeathed $50,000 to the museum. In addition, Marshall Field III, Mrs. Stanley Field, and Mrs. Charles H. Schweppe donated more than $150,000 to have the 101 sculptures cast in bronze and set up in a remodeled hall. Accordingly, the FMN article about the new Hall of Races featured a photograph of Chauncey Keep. While the sculptures were routinely portrayed in the FMN, Malvina Hoffman’s photograph was never published in any Field publications until she and Stanley Field, a major supporter of the project, had died, Field Museum Bulletin (FMB replacing the FMN), vol. 37, no.9, September, 1966: 3, and FMB vol. 50, no. 9, October 1979: 13–14.
Similar to Berthold Brecht’s criticism of realism (1937, 1986), Roland Barthes (1957) defines the classical humanist myth as removing the “determining weight of history” and juxtaposes it to a progressive humanism that analyzes the influence of a variety of contexts on the life chances and livelihoods of different peoples.
In 1996, Gene Dillenburg worked for the Field’s geology department. He kindly gave me his 7-page, untitled internal memo written in response to a debate over whether to alter the sculpture’s name.
See also AROD (1931, pp. 25–26 and 69–71); AROD (1932, pp. 301 and 318–319); AROD (1933. pp. 15–16); AROD (1934, p. 182) and AROD (1935, p. 299).
Or as James Aitken Meigs (1857, pp. 212–213) stated, one of whose charts was included in the Hall of Races section D displays: “If the acts of an individual are to a considerable extent the outward expressions, or functional manifestations of the organism, and if the acts of society are the sum total of the individual acts of the members, then it necessarily follows, that the civil history of a nation in great measure arises from, and is dependent upon, the natural and physical characteristics of its citizens.”
Once in the US, Franz Boas, a German Jewish anthropologist, began his career as physical anthropologist. He soon, however, became one of its most consistent and trenchant critics as well as the founder of the tremendously influential field of cultural anthropology in the US.
Henry Field contacted Prof. Guiseppi Sergi for the planned exhibit and Sergi originally offered his help; HF to Sergi May 20, 1930, and Sergi’s response (Field Henry Correspondence). Founder of the Museum of Anthropology and the Laboratory for Experimental Psychology at the Royal University of Rome and first president of Rome’s Society of Anthropology, Sergi published about psychical and physical anthropology and education, human degeneration and criminal anthropology challenging many of his discipline’s premises: for example, that race bodies were biological, inherited and unchanging or that race correlated with human capacities and history. He also demonstrated that Europeans descended from an African race. Despite mentioning that brain size was dependent on body size and weight and not race, Sergi still listed races by brain size and thus supported more traditional race hierarchies that collapsed brain size with race and intelligence (Sergi 1900, 1902).
All Buxton quotes: L.H. Dudley Buxton to Henry Field August 29, no year but since the letter was filed after a July 29,1929, letter from HF to Buxton, the response likely dated from 1929; and Buxton to HF March 10th 1930; all: Field Henry Correspondence.
For additional emphatic critiques regarding Henry’s various race lists see correspondence by J. H. Hutton, Office of the Census Commissioner for India, and Roland B. Dixon (1875–1934), a friend of Earnest Hooton and professor of anthropology at Harvard, author of Racial History of Man (1916) and The Building of Cultures (1916). Hutton, J.H. to Miss Green (Hoffman’s secretary) November 4, 1931; Dixon Roland B. to Earnest Hooton Jan. 19th 1932 (Hooton sent the response on to Henry Field Jan. 22nd 1932); all Field Henry Correspondence.
The network of scientific consultants for the Hall of Races stretched across the globe. For instance: Henry Field asked his former professor Earnest Hooton for assistance. As professor of physical anthropology at Harvard as well as curator of somatology at the Peabody Museum, Earnest Hooton, for example, asked Dr. B. S. Guha, a former graduate student and Director of the Anthropology Section, Calcutta Indian Museum, to help with the project.
Starting in 1913 the Austrian physician, Dr. Rudolf Poech (1870–1921), was the first director of the Institute of Anthropology at the University of Vienna, Austria, making physical anthropology the department’s specialization (Poech 1903 and 1908). He became known for his anthropometric studies of World War I prisoners of war (Poech 1915). His research disseminated the popular myth that jutting forth jaws, fleeing fronts and thick protruding brow bone (the choice of words already carries the evaluation) were indicative of primitive and very primitive races situated between apes and Europeans and who, additionally, were said to display other ape-like characteristics such as feet resembling those of apes used for climbing trees (Poech 1911, 1913). Rudolf Martin, however, had already demonstrated by that time that any such deformations were functional in nature (Martin 1893, 1907, 1928).
Dr. Josef Weninger was professor of anthropology at the University of Vienna, Austria, and a proponent of scientifically analyzing races by facial characteristics (Weninger 1924). He lost his position at the university in the late 1930s because his wife, Margarete, was of Jewish confession. Ironically, he and his wife continued to publish Poech’s race anthropological research and Weninger’s own anthropometric war studies throughout the 1940s and 1950s.
Stanley Field to Simms, May 16, 1934, and Laufer‘s response to Simms on May 16, 1934; Sir Arthur Keith‘s to Laufer May 20, 1934; all Hoffmann Correspondence ABH.II, no. 9, May–June 1934.
See Turda and Weindling (2007) for a critical history of Eickstedt.
HF to SF, undated but following May 11, 1931, letter by St. Field to Hoffman, Hoffmann Correspondence ABH.I., no.5, Mar–May 1931.
Laufer insisted that Hoffman remove ethnographic detail from race clay models because they were supposed to depict racial and not cultural features; see HF to MH on May 7 and April 26, 1930, and attached to it MH to HF no date but written when in New York and before her letter to HF on April 6, 1930. Hoffman succeeded in inserting ethnographic detail into a few final sculptures, for example, the full-size race figure of a merchant eventually called East Indian merchant. In 1933, this sculpture supposedly depicted the race of a “Priest, Lhasa Tibet,” and in the 1937 leaflet it was called “Merchant, Lhasa Tibet.” Though in the nude, he had not parted with coins peeking through his fingers, as noticed by Conrad and Tillotson (1993). See Belovari (1997) for Hoffman’s attempts to subvert the scientific supervision of her sculpting.
This article focused on Hoffman and her art because it reviewed Hoffman’s smaller scale race figures on display at the Grand Central Galleries in January 1934.
Whereas bronze became the favorite material for all other figures, Marshall Field III expressed reservation about doing the Nordic figure in bronze once he had seen the finished model in New York: he thought it inappropriate to have the white race look like other dark races. Stanley Field wrote to Hoffman on his behalf and said that they both appreciated "the fact that in bronze you [Hoffman] can do all the darker races to very good advantage, but that for the white man you could probably not make your bronze any lighter …" The final full-size Nordic was therefore reproduced in “realistic” white marble; Stanley Field to Hoffman, April 17, 1931, ABH.I, no. 5, March 1931–May 1931.
Martin qualified himself as university professor with his work on the Physical Anthropology of the Fireland Indians (1891/1893), for which he used skeletons and soft parts of four Fireland Indians who had died in Zurich while participating at Carl Hagenbeck’s Expositions of Peoples of 1881. Martin introduced the new discipline of physical anthropology to the University of Zurich. Initially, director of the University Collection and Museum from 1899 to 1909 and continued as vice director until 1911, he then served as professor of physical anthropology and director of same department at the University of Munich.
The exhibit included altered versions of Rudolf Martin’s charts of patterns of hair form, eye forms and patterns of the surface of nostrils. See Martin (1928) vol.1. p. 213, 221; Patterns of the Surface of Nose Holes figure 249, p. 559, p. 560, and figure 252: Patterns of Nose Forms in Profile for instance.
Lebzelter, who assisted the Field’s Hall of Races project, had created the race photography tree for the Natural History Museum in Vienna, Austria. Of the 37 photographs, only three showed women, all from Oceania. Lebzeler was a typical race anthropologist in, for example, his race analytical interpretation of upright walk and presumed cultural stasis versus cultural progress and used material by Eickstedt and Fischer for his arguments (Lebzelter 1926, 1932a, b; Weindling 2009).
“Physical Anthropology” Photography Album containing photographs of the exhibit, italics mine.
Starr (1902: 3) clearly stated the operative assumption: “characters of race are better marked in men than in women; women of all tribes are, therefore, more alike than men …” The Field relied on his book and photographs for some of its American Indian race figures and not surprisingly most of its figures depicted men. Because full-size figures illustrated the principal race divisions, The Unity of Mankind group was represented by three full-size male figures. Only five out of 33 life-size figures were women as were 25 of all 101 sculptures (life-size figures and busts).
In an attempt “to carry the message of a natural history museum to the people of the United States,” the Field participated in a series of 13 nationwide radio programs by MBS, funded by Stanley Field (AROD 1937: 173).
For Henry Field’s fictional account of the construction of the Hall of Races see Belovari (1997).
For other altered original identifications, see for example, Photography list sculptures by Malvina Hoffman: list of photographs (stamped July 24, 1974). In the Map of Mankind with the Races of Mankind (no publication date nor credit to Hoffman), Henry Field and Dr. W.D. Hambly, the Field’s curator for Africa, wrote the section titled The Races of Mankind. The unnumbered but probably first edition still included the “Nordic Man” (map and text) who now represented Europe. Europe, just as the German race anthropologist Eugen Fischer had suggested for the Hall of Races, now also included the sub-division of the Dinaric race. The first edition of the “map of racial types” was completed by November 1942; see MH to HF, November 3, 1942, Field Henry Correspondence. For a 1958 description of the Hall of Races, untitled article, FMN, May 1958: 8.
The example is not quite as imaginary as we would like to think: When creating metadata for rediscovered Holocaust records of the Jewish Community of Vienna, we faced the problem of how to treat the original National Socialist nomenclature of these records that denigrated regime victims and linguistically hid their policies of persecution and genocide.
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Acknowledgments
I am truly grateful to my friends and colleagues Marianne Ferber, Mark Greene, Bill Maher and Nino Testa for their insightful comments and encouragement while I was writing this article; and to Sarah Gustafson for checking my abstract.
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Belovari, S. Professional minutia and their consequences: provenance, context, original identification, and anthropology at the Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, Illinois. Arch Sci 13, 143–193 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10502-013-9202-0
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10502-013-9202-0