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Challenges of governing groundwater in U.S. western states

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Abstract

Over the last several decades, water users in the western United States have increasingly turned to groundwater resources to support economic development, but few institutional arrangements were in place to govern groundwater use. Over time, numerous groundwater problems have emerged. Two closely related explanations for this are explored. Surface water sources were the first to be developed, and institutional arrangements to allocate surface water were the first to be devised. These arrangements are not particularly well suited for governing groundwater. Furthermore, the physical differences between rivers and aquifers lead to differences in the development of each type of water, and in production and organization costs. Groundwater development involves low upfront production costs, which individual water users can cover. Once groundwater users have individually invested in productive activities problems emerge, such as declining water tables. Thus, unlike surface water users, groundwater users are faced with devising institutional arrangements to coordinate their water uses after they have invested in and developed productive economic activities. Most western states regulate pumping, although groundwater users, in general, resist pumping limits. The discussion concludes with proposals for modifying the prior appropriation doctrine to better accommodate the active management of groundwater basins for long-term sustainability.

Résumé

Sur les dernières decades, les utilisateurs d'eau dans l'Ouest des Etats-Unis se sont tournés en nombre croissant vers les ressources en eau souterraine, pour supporter le développement économique, mais plusieurs arrangements institutionnels ont été mis en place pour gouverner l'usage de l'eau souterraine. Au fil du temps, plusieurs problèmes relatifs aux eaux souterraines sont apparus. Deux proches explications proches pour ceux-ci ont été explorées. Les ressources d'eau de surface ont été les premières à être développées, et les arrangements institutionnels pour l'allocation des eaux de surface ont été les premiers à être divisés. Ces arrangements ne conviennent pas particulièrement bien aux autorités des eaux souterraines. De plus, les différences physiques entre les rivières et les aquifères ont mené à des différences dans le développement de chaque type d'eau, et dans la production et l'organisation des coûts. Le développement de l'eau souterraine nécessite des lois sur les cots de production que chaque utilisateur de l'eau peut couvrir. Dés lors que les utilisateurs de l'eau souterraine ont individuellement investi dans des activités productrice, des problèmes émergent, tels que la baisse des niveaux d'eau. Ainsi, comme pour les utilisateurs d'eau de surface, les utilisateurs d'eau souterraine sont confrontés à la conception des arrangements constitutionnels pour coordonner l'utilisation qu'ils font de l'eau, après avoir inventés et développés leurs activité économique productive. La plus part des états de l'Ouest régulent le pompage, bien qu'en général l'utilisation des eaux souterraines, en général, résiste aux limites de pompage. La discussion conclut sur des propositions permettant de modifier la doctrine d'appropriation, pour ainsi mieux accommoder la gestion active des bassins d'eau souterraine à une durabilité sur le long terme.

Resumen

En las últimas décadas los usuarios de agua del occidente de Estados Unidos se han vuelto ascendentemente hacia los recursos de agua subterránea para apoyar el desarrollo económico, aunque pocos convenios institucionales estaban disponibles para regular el uso del agua subterránea. Con el tiempo han emergido numerosos problemas de agua subterránea. Se exploran dos explicaciones estrechamente relacionadas para estos problemas. Las fuentes de agua superficial fueron las primeras en ser desarrolladas y los convenios institucionales para distribuir el agua superficial fueron los primeros en ser concebidos. Estos convenios no están bien adaptados para la gobernabilidad del agua subterránea. Además, las diferencias físicas entre ríos y acuíferos lleva a diferencias en el desarrollo de cada tipo de agua, y en la producción y costos de organización. El desarrollo del agua subterránea involucra costos iniciales de producción bajos que los usuarios individuales de agua pueden cubrir. Media vez los usuarios de agua subterránea han invertido individualmente en actividades productivas emergen problemas tal como niveles de agua descendentes. De este modo, a diferencia de usuarios de agua superficial, los usuarios de agua subterránea se enfrentan con el reto de diseñar convenios institucionales para coordinar sus usos del agua después de que han invertido y desarrollado actividades económicas productivas. La mayoría de estados del occidente regulan el bombeo aunque los usuarios de agua subterránea, en general, se resisten a los límites de bombeo. La discusión concluye con propuestas para modificar la doctrina de apropiación anterior para una mejor adaptación de la gestión activa de las cuencas de agua subterránea para sostenibilidad a largo plazo.

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Notes

  1. For the purposes of this paper the western states are Arizona, California, Colorado, Idaho, Kansas, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Mexico, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Oregon, South Dakota, Texas, Utah, Washington, and Wyoming

  2. For a more general argument concerning the conflict between property regimes and ecosystem governance in the U.S. see Klug (2002).

  3. The argument that the prior appropriation system is best suited for an arid environment is most clearly explicated in Dunbar (1983). Pisani (1996) takes exception to it. While Pisani agrees that aridity played a central role in the development and adoption of the prior appropriation doctrine, he argues that alternative water law systems were present, such as the riparian doctrine and Mexican and Spanish water laws and practices. The prior appropriation system succeeded over other systems for a variety of economic reasons. For instance, in the 19th century beliefs in the power of free enterprise and private property as the best means of meeting people's needs prevailed. Less consideration was given to community needs, such as assuring that all members were given equal access to a water supply. As Pisani (1996:23) concludes: “The pursuit of wealth took precedence. Enterprise triumphed over equity”.

  4. This practice is known as the ‘futile call’ (Tarlock et al. 2002:184).

  5. Five of the seventeen western states do not govern groundwater under the prior appropriation. They are Arizona, California, Nebraska, Oklahoma, and Texas. Of the five, Nebraska recognizes the hydrologic connection between ground and surface water and attempts to coordinate the management of the two types of water.

  6. In Colorado, monitoring of water rights largely falls on water users either requesting state water officials to shut down junior users or using courts to bring lawsuits. Measuring of actual water use usually does not occur unless a change or transfer of water rights occurs.

  7. As Bastasch (1998:60) explains, “The prime directive is to issue a water right unless there is injury to other rights or the public interest. Contrast this with a more conservative approach—arguably one more appropriate for allocating a limited public resource—which would be to deny applications unless it can be shown that no harm would result to other rights or the public interest.”

  8. Grant (1987) argues that the practice of issuing water rights in overappropriated water sources reflects a “hunting license” mentality. Appropriators are given permission to hunt for unappropriated water. If they can find none, that is, if in hunting they deprive senior appropriators of water, the priority system will curtail their activities.

  9. In states that do not apply the prior appropriation doctrine to tributary groundwater, intense conflict has emerged around the effects of pumping on surface water flows. Arizona is an extreme example of a state that uses distinct bodies of law and regulation to govern ground and surface water with no legal recognition of the physical connection between the two sources of water (Glennon 2003). Except for a few basins that underlay the most heavily populated areas of the state and are heavily regulated, all other basins remain under the reasonable use doctrine. Under Arizona law surface water rights holders, governed by the appropriation doctrine, have no recourse against well owners who are governed by the reasonable use doctrine (Glennon 2003). Consequently, well owners can and have pumped rivers and streams dry (Glennon 2003).

  10. This practice was allowed for more than a decade by the Colorado State Engineer's Office on the South Platte River. In order to delay the time when a call would go on the river, a well association was allowed to deliver groundwater to one of the most senior surface water rights holders (MacDonnell 1988)

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Correspondence to Edella Schlager.

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Schlager, E. Challenges of governing groundwater in U.S. western states. Hydrogeol J 14, 350–360 (2006). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10040-005-0012-1

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