Birdwatching is a relatively new form of activity for large sectors of society, emerging since the beginning of the twentieth century. Before that, it was reserved for specialists (Bircham 2007). From the very beginning of this activity, birdwatchers condemned killing birds for various consumptive uses, promoting instead a new, non-consumptive approach of just watching birds. Today, birdwatching encompasses broad spheres of societies in several developed countries, particularly in the USA and the UK. In the USA, 46.7 million people observed birds in 2011, with 88 % of them observing wild birds around home, and 38 % on trips away from home (U.S. FWS 2012). In the UK, it has been estimated that more than 6 million people engage in birdwatching every couple of weeks (Kellaway 2009; CBI 2011). Furthermore, with more people traveling to remote locations, there are increasing opportunities for local guides to show them exotic birds, and even if these tourists are not formally classified as birdwatchers, they become involved in this activity.
On the one hand, this broad interest translates into support for bird conservation and reintroduction programs. On the other hand, it brings about increased penetration of ecosystems and increased consumption of goods and services that are perceived as birdwatchers’ indispensable attributes, such as optical equipment, books, travel, participation in dedicated workshops and festivals and birdwatching holidays. Thus, two perspectives on birdwatching can be contrasted: the idealistic feeling of an intimate bond with nature and mainstream consumption, where birdwatching is just another sector of the economy. Birdwatching tends to be presented as ‘one of the most ecologically sound and sustainable of versions of wildlife tourism’ (Connell 2009), and at the same time ‘one of the fastest growing wildlife-based activities’ (Roe et al. 1997).
An important caveat is that there are different categories of birdwatchers, and their relations to birds and the ‘use’ or ‘consumption’ of birds vary. Birdwatching is an umbrella term, encompassing all other categories. Birding tends to be more specialized and professional (Sheard 1999), although in North America, the term ‘birding’ often replaces ‘birdwatching.’ ‘Twitching’ refers to the quest to see rare species, especially those that are difficult to find, or outside of their typical geographic range (‘the obsessive art of chasing rare birds that one has not seen before, yea, unto death’ (Gooddie 2010)). This is related to ‘listing,’ whereby one maintains a list of species seen in a given area, and ‘big listing’ if one tries to see all species of birds. Of course, there are also other classifications of birdwatchers, some of which are based on how many birdwatching trips they undertake per year or on their identification skills—from casual or novice to advanced or experienced (e.g., McFarlane 1994; Hvenegaard 2002; Scott and Thigpen 2003; Scott et al. 2005). In general, the more professional and ‘obsessed’ a birdwatcher is, the more significant his/her environmental impacts are likely to be. For the sake of illustration, much of the following focuses on the environmental impacts associated with the more ‘obsessed’ group.
The key direct and indirect environmental impacts of birdwatching, analyzed according to the framework put forth in the previous section, are summarized in Table 3 and discussed in more detail in the following subsections.
Table 3 Direct and indirect impacts of birdwatching
Direct Impacts: Bird Consumption Redefined
Birdwatchers have always been to a large extent motivated by the esthetic appeal of birds and, like many other naturalists, they derive pleasure from their interaction with birds and more generally with nature (even if sometimes they can also feel resentment, anger and apathy). This reflects direct consumption of cultural ecosystem services: the presence of birds and opportunity to observe them. Birdwatching is seen here as a form of reconnecting to the natural world and partly serves to escape the modern, consumption-oriented society that has gone so far in detaching itself from the environment (e.g., Watson 2010). ‘To a birdwatcher, one glimpse, one moment is happiness enough,’ suggested Kellaway (2009), reflecting the emotional, spiritual, physical and mental stimulation derived from watching birds or being able to enjoy their presence (Conradie et al. 2013).
However, viewing wildlife is a visual experience and often ‘requires’ a proof. This is connected with the idea of seeking ‘souvenirs’ or ‘trophies’ which would attest that the visitor had indeed visited a given place or seen a given species. This discussion dates back at least to when Leopold (1949) observed the beginning of the commodification of nature, noting that wildlife watching rested ‘upon the idea of trophy,’ be it a landscape photograph or a close-up picture of a bird. The idea that such trophies may be more important than the experience itself has given rise to the concept of ocular consumption (Lemelin 2006).
The obsessive character of some forms of birdwatching is related to the birdwatchers’ feeling of constant non-satiation; once they see one new species, they immediately set their sights on observing another new one (Oddie 1995; Liep 2001; Koeppel 2006; Connell 2009). This resembles typical consumption behavior: ‘the dream will be carried forward and attached to some new object of desire such that the illusory pleasures may, once more, be re-experienced’ (Campbell 1987). Many birdwatchers add to this a high degree of competitiveness (Oddie 1995; Schaffner 2009). Just like all other collectors, the fewer specimens they lack to complete their ‘collection,’ the more they are likely to pay to attain the final satisfaction (Mynott 2009), be it in terms of money or effort, or even to the extent of ignoring some of the rules that they would have otherwise obeyed, e.g., with regard to protecting a bird and its habitat.
The above obsessive symbolic appropriation of birds (Liep 2001) often translates into direct impacts on bird populations. By their presence and obstinacy, birdwatchers affect the attractiveness of the breeding, migration or roosting sites for birds, flush birds, and otherwise increase the pressure on birds and their habitats (e.g., luring birds out of their hideouts and stressing them by playing their calls or exposing birds and their nests to predators). These intrusions often result in direct impacts on their mortality, productivity and behavior, as well as habitat degradation (Klein et al. 1995; Burger and Gochfeld 2001; Gill 2007; Karp and Root 2009). They are not only caused by the most determined twitchers and listers, but also by casual birdwatchers and other people visiting bird sites (Steven et al. 2011; Huhta and Sulkava 2014). Especially in less developed countries, guides tend to be particularly eager to show the birds to tourists from as close-up as possible. Because of their lack of experience or interest in bird conservation, these tourists do not object to being involved in activities that might harm nature. For these reasons it has already been suggested that people who enter bird habitats should be educated on the impacts that they cause to birds (Corre et al. 2013).
The above impacts emerge out of the visitation of areas where birds reside and constitute a symbolic consumption of birds. However, because most birdwatchers reveal concern over conservation issues related to birdwatching (Kellert 1985; Green and Jones 2010), and as various birdwatchers’ codes of ethics are promoted by the relevant organizations and bird identification guides, the potential threats that birdwatchers might bring to bird populations tend to be downplayed. Even though the publicity surrounding rare species and increased visitation sometimes lead to abandonment of a site by birds (Kemp 2000; Moss 2005), restricting public access (protecting birds from birdwatchers) is considered as the last resort and avoided because public access has very important educational and conservation potential (Gill 2007), as we shall see below.
Indirect Impacts
Impacts on Other Parts of an Ecosystem (Management and Access)
Although birdwatchers use much of the same infrastructure and amenities as other tourists (roads, lodges etc.), they add to the general demand and in the case of some localities they constitute the major drivers of this demand (Connell 2009). Birdwatchers tend to go where the birds are, which means they often go where no infrastructure is available, intruding into new areas and potentially pioneering new ‘tourist trails.’ Species’ rarity has a very high influence on distance travelled and numbers of visitors (Booth et al. 2011). Thus, some authors (see, in particular, Courchamp et al. 2006) argue that ‘human perception of rarity can precipitate species extinction’ because of increased pressure on a given species and its habitat, as already indicated with respect to direct impacts on birds. Affecting habitats is relatively broadly discussed in the case of both birdwatching and ecotourism in general, with regard to the so-called environmental contradictions (e.g., Cater 1995; Isaacs 2000).
Some birdwatching trips have destinations that are considered toxic for humans. These maintain high bird populations because people have avoided the sites and birds have found them relatively tranquil. As argued by Schaffner (2009), the birdwatchers’ enthusiasm for visiting such places provides another example of their neglect of the broader context of sustainability. The above problems indicate a contradiction between some forms of ‘compulsive, acquisitive’ birdwatching and ‘the environmentalist legacies connected to the formation of birdwatching as a hobby’ (Prior and Schaffner 2011). This is partly related to the increasing numbers (and consequently impacts) of birdwatchers and to the obsessive nature of some forms of birdwatching. Indeed, even in birdwatchers’ communities, twitching is sometimes perceived as ‘anti-environmental’ (Cocker 2002).
We also need to refer to the management of birdwatching sites in a way that makes them attractive not only to birds, but also to birdwatchers. Indeed, while managing land for the benefit of birds is complementary to many ecosystem services, it competes with others (Whelan et al. 2010; Bradbury et al. 2010), and there may be trade-offs between different ecosystem management scenarios favoring different bird species (Elphick 2004). Managing land with the specific service of birdwatching in mind involves further trade-offs, and potentially also considerations of environmental justice if birdwatchers are allowed to access an area inaccessible to other stakeholders, including local populations. Indeed, as we shall see in the following subsection, because of the related economic gains, the expansion of birdwatching trails has become part of official development aid programs and aid projects carried out by environmental organizations in developing countries.
Impacts Related to Products, Services and Infrastructure (Induced Consumption)
Birdwatching’s evolution into a popular pastime in the beginning of the twentieth century was aided by the availability of low-cost optical equipment and bird identification books, i.e., by the development of certain markets. It developed further with a special type of bird identification guides (starting from Peterson (1934)) and with the growing popularity and availability of transportation. Big listing became possible because of the development of the international travel market. This was also related to the increase in leisure time and surplus income (Cocker 2002). Although the focus of birdwatching is on non-market goods and services (birds), a significant market has turned out to be necessary to ‘consume’ the former, and birdwatchers have become part of the commodity culture of today (Prior and Schaffner 2011). As a result, the growing popularity of birdwatching adds to environmental problems that threaten birds and bird habitats through increased birdwatching-induced consumption.
Travel generates probably the most evident environmental impact. There are six companies offering over 150 bird tours annually, and there are hundreds of smaller companies, including regional, national, local, species-specialized tour operators, lodges and many others. Extreme birdwatching (twitching, big listing) involves extreme travel, including hiring private airplanes to get to a given remote location as quickly as possible (c.f. Cocker 2002; Koeppel 2006; Mynott 2009). However, even in the case of regular and casual birdwatching, travel is important enough to indicate the economic value of birdwatching sites based on how much people spend to reach those places (c.f. Czajkowski et al. 2014).
The value of birdwatching sites or the sites of birdwatching-related events is sometimes discussed from the perspective of how much birdwatchers spend on accommodation and other local goods and services (e.g., Kerlinger and Brett 1995; Kim et al. 1998). A similar approach has been adopted by bird protection organizations in an attempt to generate support for nature conservation (RSPB 2010). Also, it was used to promote environmental protection in developing countries, indicating the potential economic gains related to preparing and maintaining a viable offer for birdwatchers (Biggs et al. 2011). Consequently, because of the predominant economic focus, the public discourse on birdwatchers concentrated on their expenses related to traveling, purchasing or consuming, resulting in ‘the vision of economic windfall for communities’ (Hill et al. 2010).
Apart from travel, accommodation and other local spending, the birdwatching-related market includes not only the traditionally important optical equipment (binoculars, telescopes, cameras) and books, but also an increasing number of other categories of goods and services (devices that enable recording of bird sounds, CDs/DVDs, dedicated television programs, exhibitions, bird feeders and birdseed, crafts, arts, mugs, toys and a multitude of other gadgets). The turnover of the birdwatching-related market has become yet another indicator of the economic value of birds. In 2006, birdwatchers in the USA spent $36 billion solely on travel and equipment, generating $82 billion in total industry output across the country (Carver 2009). Indeed, to some extent, consumption acquired a status symbol among birdwatchers—confirmed by the trips one has undertaken or equipment one possesses, leading to ‘ludicrous follies of conspicuous consumption’ (Cocker 2002). Even residential birdwatchers, who do not travel so much in search of birds but content themselves with local observations, also procure optical equipment, books, videos, birdfood and many other birdwatching-related goods and services.
Additionally, countless specialized publications, including local, regional and international magazines, offer advertising space for both avitourism and equipment. There are numerous birding festivals [more than 200 in North America alone in 2006 (Lawton 2009)], providing a platform for many commercial activities related to birdwatching. Interestingly, the commercial side of birdwatching is successfully exploited by various conservation organizations. Apart from membership fees, they brand numerous products with their names (e.g., bird guides, optical equipment and gadgets) and sell bird-related products through their own sales channels. This helps to raise funds for environmental protection while at the same time providing an opportunity to boost sales. Similarly, birdwatching-related events, such as festivals and listing competitions, often offer opportunities to promote the cause of bird/environment protection. They also help to broaden the fundraising outreach thanks to the broad media attention that they attract.
Impacts Related to Environmental Awareness of Ecosystem Service Users
Birdwatchers contribute to conservation, helping to build and disseminate environmental knowledge by participating in citizen science (Greenwood 2007). Because of their exposure to scientific discourse, birdwatchers tend to be better aware of environmental problems related to habitat conservation, when compared with average consumers. As a result, they are more likely to support conservation, including with membership fees in birdwatching organizations and individual donations, and motivate other people to do the same.
Being associated with economic benefits, at least to some extent, they also contribute to increasing social awareness of and support for environmental protection. In some cases, birdwatchers may have an opportunity to buy bird-related ecosystem services by paying those who protect bird habitats through various kinds of payments for ecosystem services. Birdwatching ecotourism, within which participants contribute to the preservation of ecosystems in places that they visit, serves as an example (Puhakka et al. 2011). Besides, to be able to ‘use’ birds in their own countries, birdwatchers need to consider the situation overseas, where birds migrate to and from. Sultanian and van Beukering (2008) proposed an international payment scheme within which Northern birdwatchers would pay for the protection of bird sites in the South. In a broader context, birdwatchers benefit from the fact that bird species are protected, even if they are not able to see those species themselves. This is a result of their interest in watching birds in documentaries or reading about them, or because of the potential to see those species if an opportunity arises.
From an even wider perspective, the activities of bird conservation organizations, partly facilitated by the broad outreach of birdwatching, have led broader spheres of society to consider birds in their decisions. Farmers have to make increasingly difficult choices, taking into consideration the impacts of their activity on bird populations. For example, when farmers attempt to reduce the population of birds seen as pests, they need to take into consideration the public opinion concerning such population control, which might affect the marketability of their produce (Blackwell et al. 2003). Similarly, consumers may be willing to pay a premium for agricultural products certified as bird-friendly (Foster and Mourato 2000; Rice 2010). This is related to the role that birdwatchers play, attracting others to birds and promoting interest in bird conservation.
To attract birdwatchers, some tourist resorts attempt to minimize their environmental impacts and set up private reserves (Sekercioglu 2002). However, although in 2014, four out of the top six global birdwatching companies mentioned conservation on their websites, compared with only one out of six in 2001 (Sekercioglu 2002), in most cases, the declared activities were very modest and restricted to funding offered to conservation projects. Minimizing the environmental impacts of the tours themselves was not emphasized. Similarly, while various ‘twitchathons’ or ‘birdathons’—whereby people compete to see the most species in a limited time—provide opportunities to raise funds for conservation and thus increase awareness of birds’ importance, they are excessively focused on competition and often neglect the broader context of environmental problems that threaten bird populations and the broader issues of ecosystem functioning on which birds depend (Schaffner 2009). Finally, the awareness of the popularity of some sites among birdwatchers can also lead to increased visitation and pressure, and increasing popularity of birdwatching can translate into increasing all of the other environmental impacts of birdwatching.