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Juvenal renewed in Claudian’sIn eutropium

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Abstract

The quintessentially Roman institution of the consulate saw one eunuch, Eutropius, entered into and then erased from its rolls ina.d. 399. Claudian, poet of the western imperial court, vilified Eutropius's elevation and gloated over his fall in two books of vivid invective. He continually evokes the satires of Juvenal to sharpen and deepen his attack. Over-tones ofSatire 2 help make the scandalous sexuality Claudian attributes to Eutropius, especially in Book 1, portend disaster to the Roman state. The imperial council ofSatire 4 underlies Eutropius's council in Book 2: it centers the epic travesty of Eutrpius's response to rebellion by Gothic troops. Through his, appropriation of Juvenalian language, Claudian appropriates Juvenal's authority for Roman outrage gainst perversions of Roman mores, and renews it in his own age.

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References

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  17. Birt 1892, 76 and Fargues 1933, 44ad loc. compared claudian's line to Stat.Theb. 10.812–813 [not 8070] “this was this, the fearsome hand and sword, which I myself insanely gave” (haec erat, haec metuenda manus ferrumque, quod amens/ipsa dedi). Statius's impassioned repetition is the same, but it functions within a wholly different type of relationship: thus Mennoecus's mother laments at his suicide.

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  19. The collocation offides (Eutr. 1.66, quoted just above) withsomni may here suggest Propertius's Arethusa (4.3.11), but the reading is corrupt:haecne marita fides et pact(a)e iam mihinoctes PVo;et pacal(a)e mihi FL;et parce avia N;et pactae in savia noctes Haupt (favored by Fedeli [Stuttgart: Teubner, 1984], though he printed the reading of N and judged the corruption ultimately insoluble),;Pactae et mihi gaudia noctis L. Müller;et primae praemia noctis Housman;alii alia.

  20. Marriage: Dido (Verg.Aen. 4.314–16,324, 496; Ov.Her. 7.17–22, 69, 167), Penelope (Ov.Her., 1.84), Oenone (Ov.Her. 5.9–12, 80–88, 108, 133), Hypsipyle (Ov.Her. 6.41–46), Hermione (Ov.Her. 8.17–42, 101), Deianira, (Ov.Her. 9.27–36), Medea (Ov.Her. 12.162, 192), Arethusa (Prop. 4.3.11–16, 49–50). Promises: Ariadne (Cat. 64.139–48; Ov.Her. 10.116–18), Phyllis (Ov.Her. 2.31–44).

  21. The connection between Juv. 10.191–209 and Claud.Eutr. 1.110–21 was noted by Birt 1892, 78; Highet 1954, 301.

  22. Birt 1888, 53 connected Juv. 2.138 to Claud.Eutr. 1.224,numquan mater eris, numquam pater (“you will never be a mother,, never a father”). G.B.A. Fletcher, “Imitationes vel loci similes in poetis Latinis” (Mnemosye 3a ser. 1 [1933–34], 198) linked Claud.Eutr. 1.72 and Juv. 2. 138 as I do.

  23. Ar.Eccl. 967–111,Plut. 959–1906; Jeffrey Henderson, “Older Women in Attic Old Comedy,”Transactions of the American Philological Association 117 (1987) 105–129 surveyed “Satirical Images,” 117–20. Plaut.Most. 157–292; Ov.Am. 1.8; Prop. 4.5. Hor.Carm. 3.10, fulfilled inCarm. 4.13. Birt 1892, 77 and Fargues 1933, 47 compared the first lines of Hor.Carm. 1.25,parcius iunctas quatiunt fenestras/iactibus crebris iuvenes protervi (“more seldom do bold youths shake your closed windows, with frequent blows”) to Claud.Eutr. 1.92–93,iam turba procax noctisque recedit/ambitus et raro pulsatur ianua tactu (“already does the importunate crowd and night's sollicitation fall away, and the door is beaten with a rare touch”). Erotic elegy uses similar images, e.g., Prop. 3.25.11–18. Hor.Epod. 8, 12; Petron. 134–38;Priap. 57; App. Verg. Priapeum ‘Quid hoc novi est’ 26–37. Cf. discussion of Amy Richlin,The Garden of Priapus. Sexuality and Aggression in Roman Humor (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1983; 2d ed. Oxford: University Press, (1992), 109–16 and 284.

  24. Cf. Richlin (op. cit. n. 23),, 106–8.

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  25. Cicero similarly censures Verres's freedman Timarchides,Verr. 2.2.134–136. Fargues 1933, 46 showed that the specific techniques Eutropius practices against chastity echo commonplaces of erotic elegy. Ovid gleefully assembles clichés inArs Amatoria (Fargues cited particularlyAA 1.605–6); cf. Tib. 1.2.94.

  26. Kindred satirical admonitions to recognize one's own faults or capacities, e.g., Hor.Serm. 2.3.307–11; Juv. 11.27–45.

  27. So Alan Cameron,Claudian. Poetry and Propaganda at the Court of Honorius, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970), 53–54.

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  28. Roma lengthily invokes the heroes of Roman, history against Eutropius (Claud. 1.435–65), a proceeding to which Birt (1892, 90), and Highet (1954, 301) compared Juv. 2.153–55.

  29. E. J. Kenney, “The First Satire of Juvenal,”Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 188=n.s. 8 (1962) 29–40. Lucilius seems to have confronted literary adversaries more belligerently: John G. Griffith, “The Ending of Juvenal's First Satire and Lucilius, Book XXX,”Hermes 98 (1970) 56–72.

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  30. Alan Cameron, “Claudian,” in:Latin Literature of the Fourth Century, ed. J. W. Binns, ser. Greek and Latin Studies: Classical Literature and its Influence (London and Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1974), 149 recognized the allusion; he deemedexigua “an indirect compliment to Arcadius” by virtue of its contrast to Tiberius. I think the joke is primary, but the compliment could be argued if anyone at court took offense at the adjective (it ironically accentuates evil, for example, at Juv. 1.68 describing the instruments by which a forger of wills makes himself rich). The language of the law codes, to say nothing of panegyric including Claudian's, makes me doubt whether late antique courts considered concision a virtue. Michael Dewar, “The Fall of Eutropius,”Classical Quarterly n.s. 40 (1990) 582–84, saw contempt in the letter's “tininess.”.

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  31. The echo was noted by Christian Gnilka, “Dichtung und Geschichte im Werk Claudians,”Frühmittelalterliche Studien 10 (1976), 116.

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  32. Brunella Moroni, “Tradizione letteraria e propaganda: osservazioni sulla poesia politica di Claudiano,”Scripta philologa 3 (1982) 213–39, discussed how Claudian uses Roman Literary reminiscences as such in order to put himself on the side of traditional Roman views (also masking his own nativity as an Alexandrian Greek).

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  33. E.g., Pers. 5.1–4et passim; Juv. 1.1–14, 51–54et passim. Cf. Martin M. Winkler, “The Function of Epic in Juvenal'sSatires,” in:Studies in Latin Literature and Roman History, ed. C. Deroux, vol. 5, Collection Latomus 206 (Brussels: Latomus Revue d'études latines, 1989) 414–43; J. C. Bramble,Persius and the Programmatic Satire: A Study in Form and Imagery (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), 12–13, 164–73. Alvin P. Kernan, “A Theory of Satire,” in: Kernan,The Cankered Muse: Satire of the English Renaissance (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press 1959) 1–36; repr. in:Satire: Modern Essays in Criticism, ed. Ronald Paulson (Englewood Cliffs NJ: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1971) 249–77: 260 tied mockery of high style to the satirical persona's effort to present himself as a plain speaker.

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  34. Klaus Sallmann, “Satirische Technik in Horaz' Erbschleichersatire (S. 2,5)”,Hermes 98 (1970), 181, 184 noted that Hor.Serm. 2.5 is not directed primarily against epic as a genre. Cf. R. Schröter, “Horazens Satire I,7 und die antike Eposparodie,”Poetica 1 (1967) 8–23; Sallmann, “Die seltsame Reise nach Brundisium. Aufbau und Deutung der Horazsatire 1,5,” in:Musa Iocosa. Arbeiten über Humor und Witz, Komik und Komödie der Antike. Festschrift Andreas Thierfelder, ed. Udo Reinhardt and Klaus Sallmann (Hildesheim and New York: Olms, 1974) 179–206; Bramble (op. cit. n. 33 J. C. Bramble,Persius and the Programmatic Satire: A Study in Form and Imagery (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), 12–13, 29–34.

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  35. populatus is a nonclassical word borrowed from Luc. 2.534; also at Claud.Eutr. 1.244.

  36. Claud.Eutr. 2.276–77,spes nulla salutis, / nulla fugae: Verg.Aen. 9.131, 10.121,nec spes ulla fugae; Luc. 10.538-39,via nulla salutis, / non fuga, non virtus (Birt 1892, 106ad loc.; Fargues 1933 followed).

  37. The originality of the simile is noted by Alan Cameron,Claudian (op. cit. n. 27), 300.

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  38. Horace's town and country mice supply a famous extended example,Serm. 2.6.77–117. AtEutr. 2.425–431, Claudian compares Leo's army to a whale without its pilot fish.

  39. Birt 1888, 56. On Juv. 4 see now F. M. A. Jones, “The Persona and the Dramatis Personae in Juvenal Satire Four,”Eranos 88 (1990), 47–59.

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  40. See F. Buecheler, “Coniectanea,”Rheinisches Museum 39 (1884) 283–85, repr. in: Buecheler,Kleine Schriften 3 (Leipzig and Berlin: Teubner, 1930, repr. Osnabrück: Otto Zeller, 1965), 12–13; John G. Griffith, “Juvenal, Statius, and the Flavian establishment,”Greece & Rome 2nd ser. 16 (1969) 134–50; G. B. Townend, “The Literary Substrata to Juvenal's Satires,”Journal of Roman Studies 63 (1973), 153–58; Courtney 1980, 195–96; cf. L. Duret, “Dans l'ombre des plus grands II. Poètes et prosateurs mal connus de la latinité d'argent,” in:Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt II 32.5, ed. W. Haase (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1987) 3267.

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  41. Cf. Serv.ad. Aen. 3.61.

  42. Cf. Juv. 4.139–43, Hor.Serm. 2.4, 2.8. Such conoisseurship varies the broader theme of gluttony, as does the extravagance Juvenal attacks in Crispinus in the first part of the satire.

  43. As Mayor 1901, 1.230 and Courtney 1980, 216 noted, Juvenal calls Pegasus “bailiff (vilicus) for the city” rather than “prefect” (4.77–78) with thoughts of the condition of the state under Domitian: it is not a personal slur based on class or occupation.

  44. Birt 1892, 109 and Fargues 1933, 119 compared Ov.Am. 2.2.47,conpedibus liventia crura gerentem (“a man bearing shins livid from their fetters”). Claudian, expanding, juxtaposes ‘black’ to ‘livid’ for greater pictorial vividness:pars compede suras/cruraque signati nigro liventia ferro (“part marked on their calves by the fetter, and shins livid from black iron,”Eutr. 2.342–43).

  45. E.g., Hor.Serm. 2.4, 2.8; Petron. 33–36, 40, 49, 60, 65, 66, 69–70; Juv. 2.64–78; 4.11–33 (besides the Council itself; for related censures compare esp. items cited by Mayor 1901, 220ad 15mullum; 221ad 26); 6.259–60. Cf. Alan Cameron, “St. Jerome and Claudian,”Vigiliae Christianae 19 (1965) 111–13, for a similar remark in Jer.Ep. 66.13 [not 66.15 as printed]; Amm. 14.6.9, 28.4.19; Pacat.Pan. Lat. 2[12].33.4; Eunap. fr. 63 M=62.2 Blockley (R. C. Blockley, ed.,The Fragmentary Classicizing Historians of the Later Roman Empire: Eunapius, Olympiodorus, Priscus, and Malchus 2, ARCA Classical and Medieval Texts, Papers and Monographs 10 [Liverpool: F. Cairns, 1983]).

  46. Oxford Latin Dictionary s.vv. dulcis, accendere, ius, movere, fumus. For puns on the double sense ofdulcis, cf. Plaut.As. 614; Ov.Met. 13.795. Such passages confirm for Latin the modern sense of a “sweet” personality, for its obligingness; Cameron, “Notes” (op. cit. n. 18) See Alan Cameron, “Notes on Claudian's Invectives,”Classical Quarterly 62=n.s. 18 (1968), 401, 409 however preferred to see the result of Hosius's obliging corruption, his popularity (Cameron discussed the other puns of the passage as well; more limited discussions also by Birt 1888, 45 n.1; andrews 1931ad loc.; Helge Schweckendiek, tr. and comm.,Claudians Invektive gegen Eutrop (In Eutropium), Beiträge zur Altertumswissenschaft 10 [Hildesheim, Zurich, New York: Olms-Weidmann, 1992], 144). “Smoke,” Fargues 1933, 119;Thesaurus Linguae Latinae 6,1s.v. I.B.4 of domestic use (1543.43–63), B metaphorically (1544.3–28 something worthless; cf. Liddell, Scott, Jones,Greek-English Lexicon s.v. {ie332-1} and Ar.Vesp. 143–146); in late antiquity, “to sell smoke” came to designate effective or fraudulent influencepeddling, e.g.,HA Ant. Pius 11.1 (cf. 6.4);HA Heliog. 10.3;HA Alex. Sev. 23.8, 36.2 (see now Barry Baldwin, “Fumum vendere in the Historia Augusta,”Glotta 63 [1985] 107–9; J. Linderski, “Fumum vendere andfumo necare,”Glotta 65 [1987] 137–46 and “Fumo necare: an Addendum,” ibid. 250–51). For the metaphor of “reducing” anger by culinary means Birt and Fargues adduced Homer and Catullus, Birt 1892, 109; Fargues 1933, 121:Il. 1.81 {ie332-2} {ie332-3}, Cat. 68.139concoquit iram (a generally preferred emendation forcotidiana/ quotidiana iram of the MSS, but many others have been proposed).

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  47. Claud.Eutr. 2.338–41, 354–64, 402–5. Compare 2.86–87 of Eutropius: the courtiers' irresponsibility echoes his, even though he takes the role of taskmistress at the meeting.

  48. Noted by Birt 1892, 109; Fargues 1933, 121; Andrews 1931, 116.

  49. If a more popular image of the Sibyl may be read into the echo, it too puts eutropius in the role of an exhausted, post-sexual woman. Petronius's Trimalchio, for instance, says that he saw the Sibyl so shrivelled with age that she lived in a bottle and wished only to die (Petron. 48). Claud.Eutr. 2pr.38 calls Eutropius “blind Sibyl”, alluding to Theodosius's having sent him to consult the Egyptian monk John for prophecy about the war against Eugenius (cf. Sozomen,Hist. Eccl. 7.22.7–8).

  50. “Then he was Eutropius's Ajax and widely he roared, not brandishing seven bullocks with a vast shield-boss but that which he had made heavy by perpetual banquets and a sluggish seat among the old women and among the distaffs: his belly” (tunc Aiax erat Eutropii lateque fremebat/non septem vasto quatiens umbone invencos,/sed, quam perpetuis dapibus pigroque sedili/inter anus interque colos oneraverat, alvum, Eutr. 2.386–389); “and Montanus's stomach is present, slowed down by its paunch” (Montani quoque venter adest abdomine tardus, Juv. 4.107). Birt 1892, 110 and Fargues 1933, 122 compared Juv. 7.115 for “Ajax rose up” (adsurgit, Eutr. 2.390, so also Andrews 1931, 118) andIl. 7.219–220 for the association of such a shield with Ajax; compare also Ov.Met. 13.2, “Ajax rose to them, master of the sevenfold shield” (surgit ad hos clypei dominus septemplicis Aiax, cited by Mayor 1901, 1.297 and Courtney 1980, 364ad Juv. 7.115). Once again, Claudian fuses the allusions.

  51. Peder G. Christianser,The Use of Images by Claudius Claudianus (The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1969), 99–100 noted the preponderance of weaving terms and puns in Leo's martial language. See Courtney 1980, 131 on Juv. 2.54–57 for derogatory charges of male spinning; so too, e.g., Cic.De Orat. 2.277. Courtney concluded, “Probably Laronia is thinking of these rather than any actual cases at Rome.” Certainly Juvenal exploits the negative connotation, but although traditionally woolworking was a domestic occupation of women, it also became a common business for men (for evidence on Classical Athens and Pompeii, see Wesley Thompson, “Weaving: a Man's Work,”Classical World 75 [1981–82]: 217–22; for later antiquity, A. H. M. Jones, “The Cloth Industry under the Roman Empire,”Economic History Review 2nd ser. 13 [1960]: 183–92). Juvenal could be twisting a relatively ordinary circumstance to fit the inversions of gender and social roles throughoutSat. 2. the “slender thread” Laronia says that men spin also foretokens the “sheer garments” of Creticus in the next section of the satire (tenui stamine, Juv. 2.55;multicia, 2.66).

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  52. Claud.Eutr. 1.99, 130, 156, 473; 2pr.22; 2.553;Il. 3.125–28; 6.490–93;Od. 1.356–59; 2.93–110; 19.137–61; 24.129–50; cf. also Claud.Carm. min. 46.(72).12–15.

  53. Noted by Fargues 1933, 123 and Andrews 1931, 118. Also in Lucr. 5.1350–60 (where it is averred that men began to weave before women, being naturally superior, but later agreed to leave weaving to women when they went on to harder labors. Thus weaving itself constitutes evidence of slackness; cf. Juv. 2.54–57 of male spinning and my remarks above. Claudian's Roma proposes male spinning as one impossible inversion of roles that might as well follow from permitting eunuchs to govern,Eutr. 1.497–98); Juv. 7.224 (Mayor 1901, 462ad loc. adds technical references; Courtney 1980, 378).

  54. Claud.Eutr. 2.423–31; cf. 2.412–16. Christiansen (op. cit. n. 51), 100 remarked, “he pictures the Westerners as hunters, sailors, and burden bearers, but the Easterners as blind directionless animals.”Priori dispar (2.411–12), However, implies, andcum duce mutatae vires (2.415) confirms, that Claudian is contrasting the condition of the Eastern army while it served under Stilicho before Rufinus forced him to return the troops; they were unwilling to go then (cf. Claud.Ruf. 2.237–47, 257–77), but now the influence of their present masters has sapped them. Fargues 1933, 124 noted that claudian often describes Stilicho's winter campaigns with similar imagery, citing3 Cons. 150,Stil. 1.122–37,Get. 348–63.

  55. Plutarch similarly relates that Demosthenes, fleeing from Chaeronea, felt a bush catch his cloak behind him and cried out, “Take me alive!” ({ie334-1}

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    Jacqueline Long

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Long, J. Juvenal renewed in Claudian’sIn eutropium . International Journal of the Classical Tradition 2, 321–335 (1996). https://doi.org/10.1007/BF02678061

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