Abstract
This paper is concerned with the formation of alliances between religious and political right-wing actors against gender-sensitive policy reforms, specifically within the last five years. Given the Catholic origin of a discourse that considers the notion of gender, as a socio-cultural element of identity, a dangerous and totalitarian ideology, this paper elaborates the concept of political genderphobia in order to explain why these actors ally themselves to campaign against “gender”. Political genderphobia takes a supply-side approach that emphasises the relevance of ideological and strategic tenets shared by religious (here Christian) and political leaders—namely, their shared understanding of gender hierarchy, social inequality and cultural homogeneity, as well as their appropriation of certain populist strategies aimed at politicising the term “gender” as an elite invention and mobilising it as a fundamental threat to “the people”. In order to understand why political genderphobia has become a salient concept just within the past decade and accompanies the rise of the radical right, three demand-side factors are also discussed: the Europeanisation of anti-discrimination policies in the arena of education, individual risk perception fostered by the transformation of patriarchal structures, and the alleged or real alienation of liberal European elites from those who are not able or willing to share the egalitarian and freedom-based principles of the liberal project. This paper contributes to a question currently under discussion in various areas of research—anti-gender research, research on religion and morality politics, as well as research on the radical right—concerning the relevance of “gender” for illiberal politics.
Zusammenfassung
Der Artikel befasst sich mit rechtsradikalen (diskursiven) Alllianzen, die sich insbesondere im Verlauf der letzten fünf Jahre zwischen religiösen und politischen Akteuren gegen geschlechtersensible Politikreformen formiert haben. Der Ursprung dieses Diskurses, der das Konzept von Gender als soziale Kategorie und Identitätsmerkmal als gefährliche und totalitäre Ideologie betrachtet, geht auf die Römisch-katholische Kirche zurück. Um zu erklären, weshalb auch rechtsradikale Akteure mit religiösen (v. a. Christlich affilierten) Akteuren gegen „Gender“ agieren, entwickelt der Artikel das Konzept der politischen Genderphobie; ein Supply-Side-Ansatz, der besonderes Augenmerk auf die Ähnlichkeiten ideologischer Aspekte richtet, die den liberalen Implikationen von Gender entgegenstehen. Ideologische und strategische Gemeinsamkeiten, die aus Perspektive der politischen Genderphobie als besonders relevant scheinen, sind ein ähnliches Verständnis von Geschlechterhierarchie und sozialer Ungleichheit (vs. Gleichheit), kultureller Homogenität (vs. Pluralität) und die populistische Strategie, Gender zu politisieren, indem der Begriff als Elitenprojekt und fundamentale Bedrohung „der Gesellschaft“ konstruiert wird. Um zu begründen, weshalb politische Genderphobie erst seit etwa einer Dekade so virulent ist und parallel zum Aufstieg der radikalen Rechten sichtbar wird, diskutiert der Artikel am Ende drei Demand-Side-Faktoren: Die Europäisierung von Anti-Diskriminierungspolitiken im schulischen Bildungsbereich, die subjektive Wahrnehmung von Unsicherheit auch bedingt durch die Wandlung patriarchaler Strukturen sowie die angebliche oder wirkliche Entfremdung liberaler Europäischer Eliten von jenen, die nicht in der Lage oder Willens sind, die auf Gleichheit, Freiheit und Pluralität basierenden Prinzipien des liberalen Projektes zu teilen. Der Artikel versteht sich somit als Beitrag zur Frage nach dem Zusammenhang von Gender bzw. Gender als soziale Kategorie und illiberaler Politik, die im Bereich der Anti-Gender‑, Religion und Politik sowie Rechtsradikalismusforschung diskutiert wird.
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Notes
Name and programme of a parliamentary group in Poland: https://www.polskierado.pl/5/3/Artykul/1019523,Stop-ideologii-gender-Powstal-nwy-zespol-parlamentarny; accessed: June 15, 2018.
Campaign by the German branch of the identitarian movement: https://www.facebook.com/identitaere/posts/1023100517708007; accessed: May 12, 2018.
Even Catholics in New York have mobilised against an alleged “gender ideology”: https://archny.org/gender-ideology; accessed: June 15, 2018.
An exception is Minkenberg (2018).
For an elaborated systematisation of gender as epistemology and analytical tool in political science, see Kantola and Lombardo (2017), p. 20 ff.
A key document is the encyclical Mulieris Dignitatem from August 15, 1988: https://w2.vatican.va/content/john-paul-ii/de/apost_letters/1988/documents/hf_jp-ii_apl_19880815_mulieris-dignitatem.html; accessed: October 18, 2018.
For a comprehensive elaboration of the Catholic origins and meanings of the notion gender ideology, see Kuhar and Paternotte (2017, pp. 9–13).
See the preface to the lexicon by Cardinal Alfonso López Trujillo: https://www.ewtn.com/library/CURIA/PCFLEXCN.HTM; accessed: June 1, 2015.
See: https://www.vaticannews.va/de/vatikan/news/2018-03/gender-vatikan-vortrag-amoris-laetitia.html; accessed: June 15, 2018.
This is the title of a petition circulated in Italy in 2015: http://comitatoarticolo26.it/petizione-no-al-gender-nelle-scuole/; accessed: June 1, 2018.
This is the name of a campaign sponsored by a Polish NGO aimed at combatting sexual education in public schools: http://www.stop-seksualizacji.pl/index.php/gender; accessed: June 5, 2018.
The full name is “Ordo Iuris Institute for Legal Culture”: https://www.ordoiuris.pl/kim-jestesmy; accessed: August 31, 2018.
See: http://www.hazteoir.org/conocenos; accessed: August 31, 2018.
See: http://www.lamanifpourtous.fr; accessed: September 6, 2018.
The umbrella institutions of the German Protestant and the Roman Catholic Church adhere to liberal notions of gender: https://www.ekd.de/22591.htm; accessed: June 15, 2018; the Catholic ZdK even outlines and criticises the spread of the “gender-ideology” narrative: http://www.zdk.de/veroeffentlichungen/salzkoerner/detail/Gender-und-Gender-Mainstreaming-721i/; accessed: June 15, 2018.
The active involvement of Orthodox Churches in Russia for instance (Stoeckl 2016) is a field of on-going investigation.
See: https://demofueralle.blog; accessed: September 6, 2018.
See: https://uimeobitelji.net; accessed: September 6, 2018.
See: https://edition.cnn.com/2016/08/03/world/pope-gender/; accessed: June 15, 2018 and: https://www.vaticannews.va/de/vatikan/news/2018-03/gender-vatikan-vortrag-amoris-laetitia.print.html; accessed: June 15, 2018.
In Germany or the Netherlands, radical right parties and groups have hijacked gender equality as a strategic argument, upholding women’s emancipation and equal rights between the sexes as core liberal, Western or Christian values over against the allegedly patriarchal and homophobic culture of Muslim immigrants who are accused of disrespecting women (Lum and Renaudière September 17 2014).
See for instance the German-Russian priest who spoke at conference organised by the radical right-wing Jürgen Elsässer, advocating a demographically argued Islamophobic position, which is supported by Gabriele Kuby: https://www.compact-online.de/compact-konferenz/; accessed: June 15, 2018.
Framing here refers to the selective construction of arguments to influence public discourse and to mediate between the individual and the context (Caiani 2017, pp. 6–7).
See: http://ec.europa.eu/justice/gender-equality/files/documents/strategy_equality_women_men_en.pdf, here p. 34; accessed: June 15, 2018.
The study on “group focused enmity” also confirms that a “loss of security” in the domains of politics, society, the economy, religion and lifestyle is a relevant factor for developing or exacerbating prejudices; see Heitmeyer, in: https://ekvv.uni-bielefeld.de/blog/uninews/entry/bielefeld_researchers_notice_significant_increases; accessed: June 15, 2018.
Norris and Ingelhart 2003 and Ingelhart and Welzel 2005 also relate risk perception to religiosity and thus to the persistence of religion despite secularisation (Inglehart and Welzel 2005).
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Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Michael Minkenberg, my colleagues at the Viadrina Institute for European Studies (IFES), and Oliver Hidalgo for their critical comments and helpful insights. Thanks to the IFES Steering Board (Timm Beichelt and Estela Schindel in particular) for supporting this publication.
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Hennig, A. Political genderphobia in Europe: accounting for right-wing political-religious alliances against gender-sensitive education reforms since 2012. Z Religion Ges Polit 2, 193–219 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s41682-018-0026-x
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s41682-018-0026-x
Keywords
- Anti-gender protest
- Supply and demand side
- Radical right
- Catholic church
- Religious fundamentalism
- Education
- Europe