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(Dis)agreement with the Implementation of Humanitarian Policy Measures Towards Asylum Seekers in Israel: Does the Frame Matter?

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Abstract

This study investigates emerging public attitudes about the implementation of humanitarian policy measures towards asylum seekers among the Jewish population in Israel. It specifically asks whether the way asylum seekers in Israel are framed informs the process of attitude formation in the Jewish Israeli public. To answer this question, we measure the extent to which the frame “infiltrators” as opposed to the frame “asylum seekers” positively predicts the rejection of humanitarian policy measures toward asylum seekers. Following framing theory, we also propose that the framing effect depends on the respondents’ perceived levels of threat by asylum seekers, and on their political identification. In line with our hypothesis, the findings indicate that the effect of the framing on the rejection of humanitarian policy measures decreases with increasing levels of threat. Although the framing effect on the rejection of humanitarian policy measures towards asylum seekers is somewhat weaker among respondents with a right-wing political identification, the differences between these and other respondents are not significant.

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Notes

  1. The dramatic decrease in entries is presumed to be associated with the erection of a wall on the Israeli-Egyptian border by the Israeli government and the highly restrictive asylum legislation passed by the Israeli parliament. It might also have to do with Egypt’s military interventions in the Sinai Peninsula.

  2. In the case of the Sudanese, the protection was given based on the fact that these individuals arrived from an enemy state and could not be returned home due to lack of diplomatic relations.

  3. This reality of low recognition rates in Israel serves as a basis for contrasting claim-making: those who argue that the low rates confirm the applicants’ weak grounds for requesting refugee status, and those who contend that the low rates are mere proof of the unfairness of the RSD procedure in Israel (Berman 2012).

  4. Originally, the Infiltration Prevention law stated that asylum seekers are to be detained for at least 36 months. Since then, the law was amended three times by the Knesset, following human rights organizations’ appeals to the Israeli Supreme Court. As of August 2015, the detention period was reduced by the court to 20 months.

  5. Importantly, Gibney (2004) additionally maintains that states have the duty not just to accept refugees when the costs of doing so are low, but also to reshape the political space in a way that the amount of protection provided for refugees at low cost will be maximized. This is achieved by restructuring public policy, participating in burden sharing initiatives between states, and dealing with the original causes of forced migration (see also Dauvergne 1999, 2000, 2005; Taylor 2001; Every 2008).

  6. Comparing our own data to information published by the Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics, we found a significant over-representation of highly educated individuals in our sample.

  7. Non-response refers to individuals who refused to participate (384), those who postponed the interview several times (149), individuals who had difficulty answering the questions (232), and interviews that were not completed (24).

  8. Center parties were: Yesh Atid, Hatnua and Kadima, Left parties were: Avoda, Meretz and Hadash, Right parties were: Halikud, Habait Hayehudi, and Israel Beiteinu, Religious parties were: Shas and Yahadut Hatora

  9. Differences between right-wing voters and the “other” category were also not significant, however this is a very small control category we would not like to over interpret.

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Correspondence to Oshrat Hochman.

Appendices

Appendix 1

Table 3 Standardized factor loadings from the MGCFA

Appendix 2

Table 4 Fit measures

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Hochman, O., Hercowitz-Amir, A. (Dis)agreement with the Implementation of Humanitarian Policy Measures Towards Asylum Seekers in Israel: Does the Frame Matter?. Int. Migration & Integration 18, 897–916 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12134-016-0510-0

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