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Field Analysis and Interdisciplinary Science: Scientific Capital Exchange in Behavior Genetics

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Abstract

This paper uses Pierre Bourdieu’s field theory to develop tools for analyzing interdisciplinary scientific fields. Interdisciplinary fields are scientific spaces where no single form of scientific capital has a monopoly and therefore multiple forms of scientific capital constitute the structures and stakes of scientific competition. Scientists compete to accumulate and define forms of scientific capital and also to set the rates of exchange between them. The paper illustrates this framework by applying it to the interdisciplinary field of behavior genetics. Most behavior geneticists envision their participation in the field as a means to compete for scientific capital in other fields. However, the scientific capital of behavior genetics has different values for scientists attempting to deploy it in different neighboring fields. These values depend on situations in each field and the ways behavior genetics mediates relationships among them. The pattern of relationships of exchange helps explain the social hierarchy and several features of knowledge production within behavior genetics.

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Notes

  1. Though see Bourdieu (2004, pp. 62–71).

  2. The “game” metaphor in Bourdieusian analysis emphasizes that actors are embedded in locally structured, relational competitions for advantage rather than the ludic dimensions of sociability as in Mead or Goffman.

  3. The value of the Bourdieusian approach is at least threefold over others, like actor-network theory (Latour 1987), the mangle approach (Pickering 1993), or even social worlds theory (Fujimura and Clarke 1992), that reject the notion of field autonomy and emphasize contingency and hybridity in all scientific practices. First, for Bourdieu scientific autonomy is a virtue, but also a variable to be assessed empirically. The fact that scientific truths are not simply determined by economic or political criteria means that the scientific field has a degree of relative autonomy from the economic and political fields. Similarly, as I show below, the fact that the definition of “good science” in behavior genetics has partial independence from standards in psychology or genetics means that it has a degree of autonomy. Relative autonomy is thus something that must be mapped and analyzed empirically, not just rejected as merely the ideology of scientists. Second, the network, mangle, and interactionist approaches that locate action in associations, the tuning of practice, or the problem of interactive coordination have limited resources for tracing action at a distance. The field approach is deeply concerned with how perturbations in one part of the field impact disconnected actions elsewhere (see Martin 2003). Thus, as we will see, many behavior geneticists’ chances for deploying their scientific capital are affected by the practices and controversies with others with whom they have no direct associations, practices, or interactions. A third, related point is that field analysis draws attention to the crucial ways that practices are affected simultaneously by different forms of recognition. Actor network and mangle theories explicitly discount this while interactionist theory typically considers it only in immediate contexts while neglecting recognition further afield.

  4. I do not attempt to quantify symbolic recognition (as a citation analysis might) or closely investigate how it relates to material resources.

  5. This narrative parallels what psychiatric geneticists have sometimes said about their field, albeit in more optimistic terms (Propping 2005, Rutter 2002).

  6. For example, Kagan (1969) and Wachs (1983) shifted their critical positions to become allies of behavior geneticists (e.g., Kagan 2003 and Wachs and Plomin 1991).

  7. For example, Kaplan (2000, pp. 60–3) suggests that some animal behavior geneticists have interpreted their research in ways that support determinist ideas in human research though alternative interpretations are available.

  8. Also the differences in chances for receiving scientific capital are relative and the stakes are not life and death—animal behavior geneticists can have respectable careers despite these problems.

  9. See, for example, Carey (2003), Hamer and Copeland (1998), Hay (1985), Plomin et al. (2001), Plomin et al. (2003), and Rutter (2006). In Fuller and Thompson (1960) the animal/human relationship is reversed.

  10. In this case attachments within science, not to economic or political contexts.

  11. For example, in behavior genetics, psychologists and psychiatrists often perceive themselves as more cognitively different from each other than their scientific practices suggest, and animal behavior geneticists from many different disciplinary/cognitive backgrounds share similar views and experiences.

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Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Mathieu Albert, Daniel Kleinman, and two reviewers whose suggestions improved this paper. This research was supported by the National Science Foundation (SES 0328563).

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Correspondence to Aaron L. Panofsky.

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Panofsky, A.L. Field Analysis and Interdisciplinary Science: Scientific Capital Exchange in Behavior Genetics. Minerva 49, 295–316 (2011). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11024-011-9175-1

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