Abstract
For immigrants, linguistic competence in the national or minority language is frequently viewed as a tool for emancipation, protection, and integration. However, in contexts where immigrants primarily work in ethnic-economy blue-collar professions, language acquisition is less likely to function as a solution to adaptation-related problems. This paper addresses one such case: the Vietnamese in the Czech Republic. Attention is devoted to the questions of whether and how 1st-generation Vietnamese acquire Czech, and whether and how their language acquisition and use is influenced by state policy, represented by the CEFR A1 examination requirement for permanent residence. Using the language management approach (Fairbrother et al. in The language management approach: a focus on research methodology, Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main, 2018), which reflects connections between the management of language issues and the management of socioeconomic ones, we consider the activities of the relevant actors, state institutions and individual immigrants, in relation to the problem of ‘insufficient Czech’ on the part of 1st-generation Vietnamese. Based on the analysis of semi-structured interviews, it is revealed that the A1-level exam does not fulfill its intended aims. It neither enables easier communication with state offices nor supports integration. Individuals only acquire minimal job-related vocabulary, for other needs they use language brokers, upon whom they become dependent. Post-exam, they stop learning and use Czech only minimally. Overall, the time-consuming jobs done by the Vietnamese, the minimal language requirements for these jobs, and the network of available language brokers mean that these individuals design different adjustments to the problem of ‘insufficient Czech’ than the other relevant actors.
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Notes
The majority of the people we will discuss in this paper can be very generally classified as ‘working class’. They tend to have either elementary or high school education, and are employed mostly in wholesale and in retail, often in warehouses or stocking shelves, as cooks and/or food preparers, as hairdressers or nail technicians, and very occasionally as factory workers (often doing jobs such as sewing seats to go into cars, as the automobile industry in the Czech Republic is predominant). In other words, they are primarily in the tertiary sector with some overlap into the secondary one. Hence for the purposes of this text, we use the term ‘blue-collar’ to refer to an entire range of professions. The most prototypical blue collar workers are usually agency factory workers, to whom we had limited access.
91.3% of census participants declared Czech or Moravian to be at least one of their mother tongues (Czech Statistical Office 2012). The same source reveals that 4.5% of participants did not declare a mother tongue at all, hence there is reason to suspect that this number may even be slightly higher.
Socio-cultural and socio-economic are sometimes used interchangeably in LM texts, above all with emphasis on the ‘socio-’ aspect. Here, like Vasiljev and Nekvapil (2012), we will focus on the economic aspects.
See also research analyzing communication in the workplace based theoretically in mediated discourse and nexus analysis (e.g. de Saint-Georges 2014), which emphasizes that communication at work is realized in other ways than merely verbally. In some types of professions, such as traditionally organized factory work (Boutet 2008), for the purposes of increased efficiency, verbal communication has been highly limited, if not prohibited entirely.
In the Czech context there is one small exception to this. According to §31/8 of the Act on Licensed Trade 455/1991 coll. (“the Trade Licensing Act”), private entrepreneurs must ensure that “a person fulfilling the condition of knowledge of the Czech or Slovak language is present in his establishment intended for the sale of goods or the provision of services to consumers during opening or business hours intended for contact with consumers”. In the case of any doubts, the trade license office can test the vendor’s knowledge with an interview, however, it appears that this rarely occurs in practice. Our respondents tended to consider their Czech knowledge sufficient for communication with customers.
The Sapa wholesale market opened in 1999 on the site of former meat-processing facilities. It is run by a Vietnamese company which rents space to other companies and vendors, mostly Vietnamese, but also, for example, Chinese ones. It serves not only as the center of economic activities (including services for Vietnamese clientele such as dental care, cosmetic salons, cell phone, insurance and travel services) of the Vietnamese in the Czech Republic, but also of religious and cultural life—holidays are celebrated there, as are weddings, and there is also a Buddhist shrine. For many individuals, it is a microcosm where Czech is not necessary. See also Kušniráková et al. (2013) or Přidalová and Ouředníček (2017) on the compact spatial organization of Vietnamese life in the CR, Dana (2007) on ethnic economies in individual countries or in general, Airriess (2006) or Aguilar-San Juan (2009) on the Vietnamese ethnic economy in the US, or Schmiz (2013) or Schaland and Schmiz (2015) on the economic activities of the Vietnamese in Germany.
It should be pointed out, however, that the past decade has seen a marked increase in job opportunities for bilingual Vietnamese of the 1.5 and 2nd generations, as well as in the number of 1st-generation Vietnamese interested in studying at Czech universities.
The establishment of the exam requirement and the choice of the level required for permanent residence originated at the Czech Ministry of the Interior. The tasks of designing the exam and methods for exam preparation and the evaluation of the results were then assigned by the Ministry of Education to the National Institute for Education in 2008. In determining the appropriate level before the exam requirement was introduced in 2009, non-profit organizations were also part of the discussion, and they stressed that the level required should not serve as a barrier to successful integration (NIE employee, personal communication).
At its peak, as many as 35,000 between 1980 and 1983 (Brouček 2016: 37).
See Schaland and Schmiz (2015) on the situation of the Vietnamese in the GDR.
The concept of the ethnic economy i.e. “an immigrant or minority business and employment sector that coexists with the general economy” (Light et al. 1994: 65) has been described in various ways (concisely summarized in Aldrich and Waldinger 1990; Light and Gold 2000; Kaplan and Wei 2006; Pécoud 2010), most often with the focus on the ethnicity of the owners and managers, the dominant role of self-employment, and business and employment networks made up of people of shared ethnicity, who would otherwise have very little chance of entering the general labor market, among others due to language barriers. Additional aspects may include spatial concentration, specialization and specific skills brought in from the country of origin (Aldrich and Waldinger 1990; Kaplan and Wei 2006; Dana 2007).
See also Kohlbacher and Matusz Protasiewicz (2012) on ethnic economies in large Central European cities, including Prague.
This success, however, may not necessarily translate to success on the Czech labor market (cf. Bartoš et al. 2016).
These include the Svaz Vietnamců v ČR [Union of Vietnamese in the CR] and the Svaz vietnamských podnikatelů v ČR [Union of Vietnamese Entrepreneurs in the CR].
There are, of course, some exceptions to these requirements in both cases.
The Sapa wholesale market described in footnote 7 above contains restaurants which employ people both as waitstaff and in the kitchen. It is typically the latter group which does not require language skills to do their work.
These are part of what is known as the dịch vụ, or self-sufficient services provided by Vietnamese community (Brouček 2016: 23).
For a more detailed analysis of the phenomenon of child language brokering in this context, see Sherman and Homoláč (2017).
These individuals interpret in work situations based on the principle of “whoever speaks the best Czech, interprets”.
Some respondents had in fact attended a Czech course lasting several months, either in Vietnam or immediately upon arrival in the Czech Republic, but even these individuals learned the necessary vocabulary from relatives or acquaintances at work.
Test-takers of Vietnamese ethnicity during 2013–2016 had success rates of 39%, 43%, and 30%. Some individuals took the test as many as 8 times. Their success level was always at least 20% lower than that of other ethnic groups frequently taking the test, such as Ukrainians and Russians (Sladkovská 2014–2016).
This is also confirmed by our experiences from more than 2 years of course observation. The students generally accepted the form and content of the teaching, based on textbooks written for A1 exam preparation, and only very rarely did they ask questions on topics that would help them in their everyday or administrative communication. The teachers told us that they occasionally consulted with students individually regarding such issues. This however, does not change the fact that students viewed the course primarily as exam preparation.
A similar conclusion was reached, for example, through research conducted on small Polish, Kurdish, and Chinese companies in the UK (Hewitt 2007).
Cvejnová and Sladkovská (2017) in their evaluation of the first 5 years of the A1 requirement also point out that it cannot serve as a substitute for a more systematic approach to migrant acquisition planning. Over the past year, the National Institution of Education, in cooperation with non-profit organizations and local experts on specific languages and cultures, has commissioned the creation of teaching methodology materials targeted at these speakers, including the Vietnamese. The outcome of the use of these materials, however, remains to be seen.
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Acknowledgements
We would like to thank everyone involved in the research process (interviewees, interpreters and various non-profit organization employees) for their willingness to participate, Kamila Sladkovská for providing valuable information, our colleagues Petr Kaderka, Marián Sloboda and Ivo Vasiljev (in memoriam) for their unending support during this project, and Vít Dovalil, Jiří Nekvapil and Julia Sherman for their comments on the text. Work on this project was supported by the Czech Science Foundation, project no. GA14-02509S.
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Sherman, T., Homoláč, J. “My mom works in a restaurant here at the market, so she doesn’t need Czech”: managing the (non-)acquisition of the majority language in an ethnolinguistic minority community. Lang Policy 19, 443–468 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10993-019-09520-5
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10993-019-09520-5