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Raising on a shield: Origin and afterlife of a coronation ceremony

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Abstract

This article deals with ‘raising on a shield’ both as a historical phenomenon and as subject of artistic representation. Originally Germanic, the ritual is for the first time attested in Tacitus, in a passage about Brinno, the chief of the Cananefates who cooperated with “Claudius” Civilis during the Batavian revolt. Next comes Julian, nicknamed the Apostate, who, raised on a shield by his Gallic and Germanic soldiers, was the first Roman emperor to undergo this ritual, witness Ammianus Marcellinus and Libanius. After Julian, the ‘raising on a shield’ soon became part and parcel of the Byzantine coronation ceremony (literary sources and illustrations in mediaeval manuscripts testify to its existence), but the ritual is also attested for Ostrogoths and Franks—the depiction of the raising on a shield of Frankish kings by Gregory of Tours would seem to be the ultimate source of inspiration for French medallists and cartoonists. Tacitus' Brinno is more than once raised on a shield by Dutch painters in the sixteenth and seventeenth century.

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References

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  6. Ever since the rediscovery of Julian in the time of the Renaissance (cf. J. M. Demarolle, ‘La redécouverte de Julien l'Apostat à la Renaissance’, in: R. Chevallier [ed.],Influence de la Grèce et de Rome sur l'Occident moderne, Paris 1977, 87–100), the Apostate attracted the attention of both scholars and the general public. Cf. e.g. R. Braun and J. Richer (eds.),L'Empereur Julien. De l'histoire à la légende (331–1715), Paris 1978 and J. Richer (ed.),L'Empereur Julien, II.De la légende au mythe (de Voltaire à nos jours), Paris 1981. Gore Vidal'sJulian (1964) is one of the best of his historical novels, and the best novel on Julian all together. For recent scholarly literature see the bibliography in R. Klein (ed.),Julian Apostata (Wege der Forschung 509), Darmstadt 1978, 509–522 and the review articles of H. W. Bird, ‘Recent Research on the Emperor Julian’,Echos du Monde Classique 26 (1982) 281–296; M. Caltabiano, ‘Un quindicennio di studi sull’ imperatore Giuliano (1965–1980)’,Koinonia 7 (1983) 15–30; 7 (1983) 113–132; 8 (1984) 17–31 and M. Caltabiano, ‘Un decennio di studi sull’ imperatore Giuliano’,Koinonia 18 (1994) 17–38. Among the most interesting studies are J. Bidez,La vie de l'empereur Julien, Paris 1930 (repr. 1965); R. Browning,The Emperor Julian, London 1975; G. W. Bowersock,Julian the Apostate, London 1978; P. Athanassiadi-Fowden,Julian and Hellenism: an Intellectual Biography, Oxford 1981 (repr. 1992); E. Pack,Städte und Steuern in der Politik Julians. Untersuchungen zu den Quellen eines Kaiserbildes, Brussels 1986; J. Bouffartigue,L'Empereur Julien et la culture de son temps, Paris 1992 andGiuliano imperatore, le sue idee, i suoi amici, i suoi avversari (Rudiae, Ricerche sul mondo classico 10), Lecce 1998 (a collection of articles by various authors). P. Renucci,Les idées politiques et le gouvernement de l' empereur Julien, Brussels 2000, is disappointing.

  7. Cf. for the pronunciamiento at Paris K. Rosen, ‘Beobachtungen zur Erhebung Julians 360-361 n. Chr.’,Acta Classica 12 (1969) 121–149=R. Klein, ed.,Julian Apostata, Darmstadt 1978, 409–447; A. Selem, ‘L'atteggiamento storiografico di Ammiano nei confronti di Giuliano dalla proclamazione di Parigi alla morte di Costanzo’,Athenaeum 50 (1971) 89–110; C. Tumanischvili Bandelli, ‘Sulla usurpazione di Giuliano l'Apostata’,Atti del II seminario romanistico Gardesano, Milan 1980, 441–465; D. F. Buck, ‘Eunapius on Julian's Acclamation as Augustus’,The Ancient History Bulletin 7.2 (1993) 73–80 and J. Szidat, ‘Die Usurpation Iulians. Ein Sonderfall?’, in: F. Paschoud and J. Szidat (eds.),Usurpation in der Spätantike (Historia Einzelschriften 111), Stuttgart 1997, 63–70. For fourth-century usurpations in general: S. Elbern,Usurpationen im spätrömischen Reich, Bonn 1984; A. E. Wardman, ‘Usurpers and Internal Conflicts in the 4th Century A. D.’,Historia 33 (1984) 220–237; J. Szidat, ‘Usurpatoren in der römischen Kaiserzeit: Bedeutung, Gründe, Gegenmaßnahmen’, in: H. E. Herzig and R. Frei-Stolba (eds.),Labor omnibus unus. Gerold Walser zum 70. Geburtstag dargebracht von Freunden, Kollegen und Schülern (Historia Einzelschriften 60), Stuttgart 1989, 232–243; E. Flaig,Den Kaiser herausfordern. Die Usurpation im römischen Reich, Frankfurt-New York 1992 and Paschoud-Szidat,Usurpation (cited above).

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  8. Cf. J. Szidat,Historischer Kommentar zu Ammianus Marcellinus Buch XX–XXI, Teil I: Die Erhebung Iulians (Historia Einzelschriften 38), Wiesbaden 1977, 152 and J. den Boeft, D. den Hengst, H. C. Teitler,Philological and Historical Commentary on Ammianus Marcellinus XX, Groningen 1987, 91–95. See for Ammianus in general e.g. G. Sabbah,La méthode d'Ammien Marcellin. Recherches sur la construction du discours historique dans les Res Gestae, Paris 1978; J. F. Matthews,The Roman Empire of Ammianus, London 1989; J. den Boeft, D. den Hengst, H. C. Teitler (eds.),Cognitio Gestorum. The Historiographic Art of Amnianus Marcellinus, Amsterdam 1992; T. D. Barnes,Ammianus Marcellinus and the Representation of Historical Reality, Ithaca-London 1998 and J. W. Drijvers and E. D. Hunt (eds.),The Late Roman World and its Historian. Interpreting Ammianus Marcellinus, London-New York 1999.

  9. Ammianus' relationship to Tacitus is disputed. According to R. Syme,Ammianus and the Historia Augusta Oxford 1968, 129, “Ammianus emulated Sallust and Livy—and Tacitus above all,” but I. Borszák, ‘Von Tacitus zu Ammian’,Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 24 (1976) 357–368 argues on p. 368: “von einer grundsätzlichen und konsequenten Tacitus-Imitation kann bei Ammian nicht gesprochen … werden”. See further D. Flach, ‘Von Tacitus zu Ammian’,Historia 21 (1972) 333–350; L. E. Wilshire, ‘Did Ammianus Marcellinus Write a Continuation of Tacitus?’,Classical Journal 68 (1972–1973) 221–227; R. C. Blockley, ‘Tacitean Influence upon Ammianus Marcellinus’,Latomus 32 (1973) 63–78; L. R. Roselle,Tacitean Elements in Ammianus Marcellinus, Ann Arbor 1985; K.-G. Neumann,Taciteisches im Werk des Ammianus Marcellinus, Diss. Munich 1987; R. F. Newbold, ‘Nonverbal Communication in Tacitus and Ammianus’,Ancient Society 21 (1990) 189–199 and P. Riegl,Faktoren des historischen Prozesses. Eine vergleichende Untersuchung zu Tacitus und Ammianus Marcellinus (Classica Monacensia 25), Tübingen 2002.

  10. A. Alföldi, ‘Insignien und Tracht der römischen Kaiser’,Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts (Römische Abteilung) 50 (1935) 3–158=A. Alföldi,Die monarchische Repräsentation im römischen Kaiserreiche, Darmstadt 1970, 121–276 on p. 172. Alföldi's view has been decisively refuted by W. Ensslin, ‘Zur Torqueskrönung und Schilderhebung bei der Kaiserwahl’,Klio 35 (1942) 268–298.

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  11. See, apart from Alföldi and Ensslin mentioned in the foregoing note, F. E. Brightman, ‘Byzantine Imperial Coronations,’Journal of Theological Studies 2 (1901) 359–392; A. E. R. Boak, ‘Imperial Coronation Ceremonies of the Fifth and Sixth Centuries’,Harvard Studies in Classical Philogy 30 (1919) 36–46; G. Ostrogorsky, ‘Zur Kaisersalbung und Schilderhebung im spätbyzantinischen Krönungszeremoniell’,Historia 4 (1955) 246–256=H. Hunger (ed.),Das Byzantinische Herrscherbild (Wege der Forschung 341), Darmstadt 1975, 94–108; Ai. Christophilopoulou,Ekloge, anagoreusis kai stepsis tou Buzantinou autokratoros, Athens 1956; E. H. Kantorowicz, ‘Oriens Augusti—lever du roi’,Dumbarton Oaks Papers 17 (1963) 119–177; Ch. Walter, ‘Raising on a Shield in Byzantine Iconography’,Revue des Études Byzantines 33 (1975) 133–175 and S. MacCormack,Art and Ceremony in Late Antiquity, Berkeley-Los Angeles-London 1981, 194 ff.

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  12. Philostorg.HE 8.8; Const. Porph.De Cerem. 1.92 (BonnI, p. 4237), 1.93 (Bonn I, p. 4293); Coripp.Laud. Iust. 2.137 ff; Theoph. Sim.Hist. 8.7 (Bonn, p. 32620); Theoph.Chron. (De Boor, p. 2877).

  13. Const. Porph.De Cerem. 1.93 (Bonn I, p. 42717); Zonar.Epit. hist. 14.6.23 (Bonn III, p. 15511); Theoph.Chron. (De Boor, p. 26024).

  14. Cf. e.g. W. Barr,Claudian's Panegyric on the Fourth Consulate of Honorius, Liverpool 1981, 76 concerning ClaudianCarm. 8.174; Brightman, op. cit. (above, n. 11) ‘Byzantine Imperial Coronations’,Journal of Theological Studies 2 (1901), 367 re JordanesGetica 60 and Paulus DiaconusHist. Long. 6.55; Averil Cameron,Flavius Cresconius Corippus. In laudem Iustini Augusti Minoris libri IV, London 1976, 160–161 re Const. Porph.De Cerem. 1.91 (Bonn I, p. 411) and 1.96 (p.434); O. Treitinger,Die oströmische Kaiser- und Reichsidee, Jena 1938, repr. (‘2. Aufl.’) Darmstadt 1956, 23 n. 63 concerningChron. Pasch. a. 367 (Bonn I, p. 5777) and Walter, op. cit. (see n. 11) ‘Raising on a Shiedl in Byzantine Iconography’,Revue des Études Byzantines 33 (1975), 165 reChron. Pasch. a. 457 (Bonn I, p. 59217).

  15. For other parts of the coronation ceremony see Christophilopoulou, op. cit. (above, n. 11)Ekloge, anagoreusis kai stepsis tou Buzantinou autokratoros, Athens 1956; and in general J. L. Nelson, ‘Symbols in Context: Ruler's Inauguration Rituals in Byzantium and the West in the Early Middle Ages’,Studies in Church History, 13, Oxford, 1976, 97–119.

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  16. Cameron, op. cit. (see n. 14),Flavius Cresconius Corippus. In laudem Iustini Augusti Minoris libri IV, London, 1976, 160.

  17. H. P. L'Orange,Studies on the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship in the Ancient World, [Instituttet for sammenlignende kulturforskning, Serie A, Forelesninger 23], Oslo 1953, 88–109; Kantorowicz, op. cit. (see n. 11) “Oriens Augusti—lever du roi’Dumbarton Oaks Papers 17 (1963), 152.

  18. See e.g. U. J. Stache,Flavius Cresconius Corippus. In laudem Iustini Augusti Minoris. Ein Kommentar, Berlin 1976, 278.

  19. E. g. Niceph. Greg.Hist. 3.1 (Bonn I, p. 552), Georg. Pachym.De Mich. Palaeol. 2.4 (Bonn I, p. 972),De Andr. Palaeol. 3.1 (Bonn II, p. 1967). See Walter, op. cit. (n. 11), ‘Raising on a Shield in Byzantine Iconography’,Revue des Études Byzantines 33 (1975), 160.

  20. Georg. Acropol.Hist. 53 (Heisenberg I, p. 10520); Niceph. Greg.Hist. 3.1 (Bonn I, p. 552); Georg. Pachym.De Mich. Palaeol. 2.4 (Bonn I, p. 972); Niceph. Greg.Hist. 4.1 (Bonn I, p. 781); Georg. Acropol.Hist. 77 (Heisenberg I, p. 15913).

  21. Georg. Pachym.De Andr. Palaeol. 3.1 (Bonn II, p. 1967); Ps.-Codin.De Off. 7 (Verpeaux, p. 25521); Joh. Cant.Hist. 1.41 (Bonn I, p. 19619); Niceph. Greg.Hist. 28.19 (Bonn III, p. 1891); Sym. Thess.De sacr. templ. 144 (PG 155.352 D).

  22. Ostrogorsky, op. cit. (see n. 11) ‘, 252–256, followed by e.g. Cameron, op. cit. (see n. 14)Flavius Cresconius Corippus. In laudem Iustini Augusti Minoris libri IV, London 1976, 161 and Nelson, op. cit. (see n. 15), ‘Symbols in Context: Ruler's Inauguration Rituals in Byzantium and the West in the Early Middle Ages’,Studies in Church History, 13, Oxford 1976, 101.

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  23. E.g. Brightman, op. cit. (see n. 11) ‘, 378 and Treitinger, op. cit. (see n. 14),Die oströmische Kaiser- und Reichsidee, Jena 1938, 23. Consult for this in the first place Walter, op. cit. (see n. 11), ‘Raising on a Shiedl in Byzantine Iconography’,Revue des Études Byzantines 33 (1975), 157 ff.

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  24. Walter, op. cit. (see n. 11), ‘, 114–140. Cf. R. Stickel, ‘Zur Herkunft des griechischen Chludov-Psalters’,Actes du XVe Congrès International d'Études Byzantines, Athens 1981, 733–738.

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  25. Walter, op. cit. (see n. 11), ‘, 143–145 and 153–154, respectively.

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  26. Walter, op. cit. (see n. 11), ‘ gives 21 examples.

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  27. Walter, op. cit. (see n. 11), ‘, 139.

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  28. Christophilopoulou, op. cit. (see n. 11),Ekloge, anagoreusis kai stepsis tou Buzantinou autokratoros, Athens 1956, 114 for example is sceptical. See also above, n. 22.

  29. The ceremony of the raising on a shiedl is not only attested for Western Europe or Byzantium. Const. Porphy.De adm. imp. 38 (Moravcsik I, p. 17253) relates that it was also found among the Khazars. However, the interpretation of this passage is disputed. While G. Moravcsik,Byzantium and the Magyars, Budapest-Amsterdam 1970, 49 suggests that the Khazars borrowed the usage from the Byzantines, D. Ludwig,Struktur und Gesellschaft des Chazaren-Reiches im Licht der schriftlichen Quellen, Diss. Münster 1982, 132 seeks the origin elsewhere. Ludwig thinks that Constantine Porphyrogenitus refers to a ceremony known from among the Mongols (cf. B. Spuler,Die Goldene Horde. Die Mongolen in Russland 1223–1502, Wiesbaden 19652, 258) and still attested in the 19th century: “Noch im 19. Jh. war bei der Einsetzung der Chane von Chiwa und Choquand die Erhebung auf einem weißen Filz (emphasis mine, HCT)konstituierender Bestandteil des Wahlvorgangs”. Cf. also P. A. Boodberg, ‘Marginalia to the Histories of the Northern Dynasties’,Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 4 (1939) 230–283 on p. 242.

  30. Kantorowicz, op. cit. (see n. 11) ‘ 168. For Jeuffroy (1749–1826) cf. E. Bellier de la Chavignerie and L. Auvray,Dictionnaire Général des Artistes de l'École Française, I, Paris 1882, 829 and L. Forrer,Biographical Dictionary of Medaillists, III, London 1907, 71–74.

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  31. “Actualités” 171,Le Charivari, 11 December 1848; reproduced in Stoll,Asterix (see n. 1)Gallus, composuit Goscinny, pinxit Uderzo, in Latinum convertit Rubricastellanus, Stuttgart 1973. The secondary literature on Asterix and on his place in cultural history is rapidly growing, but A. Stoll,Asterix, das Trivialepos Frankreichs: die Bild- und Sprachartistik eines Bestseller-Comics, Cologne 1974 (19773) is still unsurpassed. on p. 87. For the role of Victor Hugo and Emile de Girardin as supporters of the rise to power of Louis Napoléon cf. H. Euler,Napoleon III. in seiner Zeit. Der Aufstieg, Würzburg 1961, 495–497, 499f. and for Daumier's artistic reaction O.W. Larkin,Daumier: Man of his Time, London 1967, 94ff.

  32. Kantorowicz, op. cit. (see n. 11) ‘ 168.

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  33. Witiges, who according to Cassiod.Var. 10.31.1 was raised on the shield, was not a Frank (so S. Antès,Corippe (Flavius Cresconius Corippus). Éloge de l'empereur Justin II, Paris 1981, 110), but an Ostrogoth.

  34. Cf. in general K. Hauck, ‘Von einer spätantiken Randkultur zum karolingischen Europa’,Frühmittelalterliche Studien, I, Berlin 1967, 30 ff. and R. Schneider,Königswahl und Königserhebung im Frümittelalter, Stuttgart 1972. For the political relations between the Frankish kingdom and Byzantium: E. Ewig,Die Merowinger und das Imperium, Opladen 1983 and for Byzantium and Gregory of Tours: B. Skoulatis, ‘Byzance dans l'Historia Francorum de S. Grégoire de Tours’,Epeteris Etaireias Byzantinon Spoudon 45 (1981/1982) 379–397.

  35. Cf. for Gundovald W. Goffart, ‘Byzantine Policy in the West under Tiberius II and Maurice: the Pretenders Hermenegild and Gundowald (579–585)’,Traditio 13 (1957), 73–118, Schneider, op. cit. (see n. 34)Königswahl und Königserhebung im Frümittelalter, Stuttgart 1972, 99–109, Ewig, op. cit. (see n. 34),Die Merowinger und das Imperium, Opladen 1983 and for Byzantium and Gregory of Tours: B. Skoulatis, 33 ff. and B. S. Bachrach,The Anatomy of a Little War. A Diplomatic and Military History of the Gundovald Affair (568–586), Boulder 1994.

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  36. Cf. I. Schöffer, “The Batavian Myth during the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries’, in: J.S. Bromley and E.H. Kossmann (eds.),Britain and the Netherlands V, The Hague 1975, 78–101 =I. Schöffer,Veelvormig verleden. Zeventien studies in de Vaderlandse Geschiedenis, Amsterdam 1987, 63–79; P. Verhoeven, ‘Civilis en zijn Bataven: symbool van Hollands patriottisme’,Hermeneus 58 (1986) 32–40; Karin (=C. P. H. M.) Tilmans,Aurelius en de Divisiekroniek van 1517. Historiografie en humanisme in Holland in de tijd van Erasmus, Hilversum 1988 (English edition:Historiography and humanism in Holland in the age of Erasmus: Aurelius and the Divisiekroniek of 1517, Nieuwkoop 1992); H. C. Teitler, ‘Iulius Civilis en de vaderlandse vrijheid’,Hermeneus 62 (1990) 255–260; Karin (=C. P. H. M.) Tilmans, ‘Aeneas, Bato and Civilis, the Forefathers of the Dutch. The Origins of the Batavian Tradition in Dutch Humanistic Historiography’, in: J. R. Brink, W. F. Gentrup (eds.),Renaissance Culture in Context. Theory and Practice, Cambridge 1993, 121–135; E. O. G. Haitsma Mulier, ‘De Bataafse mythe opnieuw bekeken’,Bijdragen en Mededelingen betreffende de Geschiedenis der Nederlanden 111 (1996) 344–367; Hans Teitler,De opstand der “Batavieren”, Hilversum 1998 and W.A.M. Hessing, ‘Foreign oppressorversus civiliser: the Batavian myth as the source for contrasting associations of Rome in Dutch historiography’, in: R. Hingley (ed.),Images of Rome. Perceptions of ancient Rome in Europe and the United States in the modern age (Journal of Roman Archaeology, Supplementary series number 44), Portsmouth, Rhode Island 2001, 126–143. Especially for the visual arts are important H. van de Waal,Zeventiende eeuwsche uitbeeldingen van den Bataafschen opstand, Leiden 1940 and H. van de Waal,Drie eeuwen vaderlandsche geschied-uitbeelding, 1500–1800. Een iconologische studie, The Hague 1952.

  37. The 1612 edition of Vaenius'Batavorum cum Romanis bellum is adorned with a frontispiece showing the figures of Roma and Batavia withdextrarum iunctio and the legend in the round of the medallion-like picture “ROMANORUM ET BATAVORUM SOCIETAS”. The picture is reproduced opposite the title page in the standard work on the reception of Tacitus in the sixteenth and seventeenth century, E.-L. Etter,Tacitus in der Geistesgeschichte des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts (Basler Beiträge zur Geschichtswissenschaft 103), Basel-Stuttgart 1966, and discussed by Etter on p. 142 with n. 223, part of a major chapter on ‘Die Bedeutung des Tacitus für die Niederlande’ (115–149). The scene testifies to the fact that the sixteenth-and seventeenth-century Dutch did not merely regard the Romans as enemies of their Batavian ancestors and as Spaniardsavant la lettre, so to speak. There also was a conciliatory perspective, articulated already in 1508 by Erasmus in hisAuris Batava (for which see M.E.H.N. Mout,“Het Bataafse oor”: de lotgevallen van Erasmus' adagium “Auris Batava” in de Nederlandse geschiedschrijving [Mededelingen van de Afdeling Letterkunde/Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen, nieuwe reeks, d. 56, no. 2], Amsterdam 1993), which identified the Dutch with the Romans or saw them as their successors. Viewed in this perspective, the Batavian revolt of AD 69/70 was no more than a temporary interruption of an otherwise friendly relationship between allies. A nice expression of the latter idea and a parallel to the frontispiece of Vaenius' book is a forged inscription in the Rijksmuseum voor Oudheden at Leiden (inv. nr. Pb. 3): GENS/BATAVORUM/AMICI ET FRATRES/ROM(ani) IMP(erii) (Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum [=CIL] XIII 1338*a=A.W. Byvanck [ed.],Excerpta Romana. De bronnen der Romeinsche geschiedenis van Nederland, I–III [Rijks Geschiedkundige Publicatiën, Grote Serie 73, 81, 89], 's-Gravenhage 1931–1947, II nr. 336). Cf.CIL XIII 1338* (=Excerpta Romana, II nr. 335) and J.E. Bogaers, ‘Weg met Schonollen’,Westerheem 25 (1976) 229–240.

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  38. For Tempesta (1555–1630) see S. Buffa, ‘Antonio Tempesta’,The Illustrated Bartsch, 35–37, New York 1983–1984, esp. vol. 35, p. 293. For the relationship of Tempesta to Van Veen (Vaenius): H. van de Waal, ‘Tempesta en de Historie-Schilderingen op het Amsterdamsche Raadhuis’,Oud-Holland 56 (1939) 49–66 and van de Waal,Geschied-uitbeelding (see n. 36), 211–212. See also P. J. J. van Thiel, ‘De inrichting van de Nationale Konstgallery in het openingsjaar 1800’,Oud-Holland 95 (1981) 170–227, p. 173 and 211.

  39. Van de Waal,Geschied-uitbeelding (see n. 36)Drie eeuwen vaderlandsche geschied-uitbeelding, 1500–1800. Een iconologische studie, The Hague 1952, 199–200. Cf. for Frisius K. Bauch, ‘Beiträge zum Werk friesischer Künstler, II: Simon Frisius’,Oud-Holland 43 (1926) 107–111, A. Welcker, ‘Simon Wynhoutsz. Frisius. Konstryck Plaetsnyder’,Oud-Holland 53 (1936) 219–255 and H. van de Waal, ‘Buytewech en Frisius’,Oud-Holland 57 (1940) 123–139.

  40. Van de Waal,Geschied-uitbeelding (see n. 36)Drie eeuwen vaderlandsche geschied-uitbeelding, 1500–1800. Een iconologische studie, The Hague 1952, 220–222. The sketch, now in Hamburg, was formerly ascribed to Jurriaen Ovens. Cf. H. Schneider, ‘Govert Flinck en Jurriaen Ovens in het Stadhuis te Amsterdam’,Oud-Holland 42 (1925) 215–223 and infra, n. 42. For Flinck (1615–1660) see in general J. W. von Moltke,Govaert Flinck, Amsterdam 1965 and for his drawings W. Sumowski,Drawings of the Rembrandt School, IV, New York 1981, 2136–2137.

  41. Van de Waal,Geschied-uitbeelding (see n. 36),Drie eeuwen vaderlandsche geschied-uitbeelding, 1500–1800. Een iconologische studie, The Hague 1952, 225–230. For another sketch see G. M. Weber, ‘Jan Lievens's “The Shield-Raising of Brinio”—a Second Oil Sketch’,The Hoogsteder Mercury 13–14 (1992) 44–50. Jan Lievens was a contemporary and friend of Rembrandt. Cf. H. Schneider,Jan Lievens. Sein Leben und seine Werke, Amsterdam 1932 (repr. 1973); K. Bauch, ‘Rembrandt und Lievens’,Westdeutsches Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte (Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch) 11 (1939) 239–268; M. Muller, ‘Jan Lievensz, Rembrandts jeugd- en studievriend’,De Kroniek van de Vriendenkring van het Rembrandthuis 16 (1962) 35–47; K. Bauch, ‘Zum Werk des Jan Lievens’,Pantheon 25 (1967) 160–170, 259–269; R. E. O. Ekkart, S. Jacob, R. Klessmann (eds.),Jan Lievens, ein Maler im Schatten Rembrandts, Braunschweig 1979 and H. Gutbrod,Lievens und Rembrandt. Studien zum Verhältnis ihrer Kunst (Diss Würzburg 1995), Frankfurt am Main 1995.

  42. Cf. for Ovens W. Sumowski,Drawings of the Rembrandt School, IX, New York 1985, 4678 and in general H. Schmidt,Jürgen Ovens: sein Leben und seine Werke, Kiel 1922 as well as G. Schlütter-Göttsche,Jürgen Ovens, Ein schleswig-holsteinischer Barockmaler, Heide 1978. See also the literature cited in n. 40 above. As to Wijnveld (1802–1902): A. N. Zadoks-Josephus Jitta, ‘Nederlands Romeinse tijd in 19-eeuwse ogen’,Hermeneus 50 (1978) 375–379 and Scheen, op. cit. (see n. 3)Lexicon Nederlandse Beeldende Kunstenaars 1750–1950, M-Z en Supplement, The Hague 1970, 634.

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  1. Department of History, Utrecht University, Kromme Nieuwegracht 66, 3512 HL, Utrecht, The Netherlands

    Hans Teitler

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A shorter version of this article appeared in Dutch: ‘De keizer op het schild geheven. Naar aanleiding van Ammianus Marcellinus 20. 4. 17’,Hermeneus 59 (1987) 19–29. This expanded English version is based on a paper presented at the Third Meeting of the International Society for the Classical Tradition held at Boston University, 8–12 March 1995. For the verification of the Byzantine sources I am indebted to Dr. W. G. Brokkaar (Amsterdam). Thanks are also due to Ines van de Wetering (Chorleywood), who corrected my English. I am further very grateful to Professor Wolfgang Haase, the editor of this journal, for his many useful comments and suggestions.

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Teitler, H. Raising on a shield: Origin and afterlife of a coronation ceremony. Int class trad 8, 501–521 (2002). https://doi.org/10.1007/BF02901555

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