Abstract
The article takes up six Marxist-inspired debates that substantially impacted Latin American anthropological thought toward social classes in the twentieth century. The aim is to provide a summary of these uses and to situate their possible current applications. We will begin by covering Marxist discussions and categories, presenting a concise review of Marx’s debates on class, and their re-readings by European authors such as Lukacs and Gramsci. Then, we will discuss Weber’s principal criticisms of these arguments, referring to the theoretical underpinnings of social stratification. In addition, we will synthesize the critical turns of Marxism: feminist debates on social reproduction, the geographical discussion on the spatial configuration of class, Bourdieu’s articulationist proposal and re-readings of Gramsci’s works. Following these debates, we will analyze the six uses of the concept of social class in Latin American world-historical anthropology from the second half of the twentieth century. We group them by their central topic and by the national academia in which their articulation had institutional effects on the discipline (Brazil, Peru, Chile, Mexico, and Argentina). We end with a look at the debate’s outcomes in the twenty-first century, in the context of international crisis and its Latin American configuration, to propose a conceptualization that dialogs with the revised traditions.
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Notes
Our bibliographical review was extensive, including 150 international publications. Due to space limitations, we excluded several texts that, although relevant, did not contribute to our objective.
The use of the term “condition” attends to Borón’s (2006) reflections on the inadequate translations of Marx’s Prologue in “A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy” in 1859. There, he explicitly states that “the means of production of material life ‘determines’ [bedingen, in German] the process of social, political, and spiritual life in general” (Marx in Borón 2006, p. 48). The translation of beningen as “determine” is inadequate because the verb means “condition”, “require”, “presuppose”, and “imply” (Borón 2006, p. 48). Traditional critiques highlight that the use of the verb “determine” is to accuse Marx of “economist reductionism”, when this would not have been the expression chosen by the author (Borón 2006, p. 48).
For example, Engels (2019 [1845], p. 9), in his analysis on the working-class situation in England in 1845, called the bourgeois class the “middle class”, adopting the terms in use at the time by the British.
Some authors attribute this Reading on heterogeneity to Marx himself, particularly given the impact of his analyses published in the European press in the nineteenth century about the ethnic minorities in Iceland, Ireland, Poland, and the black population in the United States (Anderson 2016, p. 3).
In this work, Bourdieu applied feminist reasonings on the reproduction of the patriarch in an analysis of an ethnic group in Algeria, on whom he carried out ethnography during his years of military service. He concluded that the androcentric conformation of social hierarchies was structuring and initial (established before class and strata divisions) and that its reproduction was sustained by symbolic mechanisms that expressed, permitted, and constituted the masculine domination. He defined this domination as the “social order dominated by the masculine principle” (Bourdieu 1998, p. 7), that is “built through the principle of fundamental division between the masculine, active and the feminine, passive, and that this principle creates, expresses and directs desire, the masculine desire as a desire to possess, as in dominate” (Bourdieu 1998, p. 19).
Feminist thinkers linked to this group set forth a new theory of exploitation and autonomy of class and gender within subaltern groups (Chakravorty-Spivak 1988), bringing together feminism’s criticisms and the Gramscian perspective.
The demographic impact of the phenomenon was considerable in certain Latin American countries: between 1856 and 1932, Argentina received 6.4 million migrants. 4.4 million arrived in Brazil between 1821 and 1932. Uruguay saw some 713,000 migrants arrive from 1911 to 1932; Mexico received 226,000 between 1911 and 1932, and Cuba 857,000 from 1901 to 1932 (Margulis 1977, p. 283).
In Brazil, this rural–urban migration displaced 54 million people between 1950 and 1995 (Camarano and Abramovay 1999:3). In Mexico, the rural population accounted for 68% of its total inhabitants in 1920. By the end of the twentieth century, this had dropped to less than 25% (Carton de Grammont 2009, p. 17). In Peru, the urban population grew from 35 to 70% between 1950 and 2000 (Da Cunha 2009, p. 24). From 1940 to 1981, the population of Lima, Peru’s capital, went from 645,000 people to 4.6 million (Golte and Adams 1990, p. 38). Argentina had an urban rate of 62% in 1947, while by 2000, this had reached 89.9%.
In addition, he created the Universidad Nacional de Brasília (National University of Brasilia) (bilingual Portuguese-Spanish, with 50% of its teachers from other Latin American countries) and designed the Brazilian university reform orientated towards critical thought and the Latin American integrationist perspective.
He also took over the direction of the Instituto Nacional Indigenista [National Indigenous Institute] from when it opened until it closed (1948–1971). Cano was, consequently, a sort of state control figure of anthropology in the Mexico of his time.
Incidentally, he observed that the formulation of the multilineal character of history in Mexican anthropology occurs from the work of Aguirre Beltrán onwards; but it was Julian Steward who received the merits for the proposal, taking it to the United States and publishing it in English, after seasons of ethnographic work in Mexican territories together with Beltrán’s team (Palerm 2008, p. 262).
Wallerstein (1996) observes that in the seventies two Marxist-inspired visions in Latin America were polarized and were understood as extreme poles of the critique of development. The first, the Theory of Dependence, heterodox in relation to the Soviet position, argued that Latin American developments were an oxymoron: beyond governmental policies, “the only thing that develops is the capitalist world economy and that world economy is by nature polarized (Wallerstein 1996, p. 196). The second, orthodox in relation to the Russian communist party, proposed that the “capitalist world economy develops so successfully that it is destroying itself” (Wallerstein 1996, p. 197).
Several factors contributed to explaining just how exceptional this circumstance was (Yankelevich 2010). For example, the hospitality the Mexican State offered to political exiles; the economic oil boom of the seventies that allowed an unprecedented development of university academic life and the cultural and publishing world in the country; the repercussions of the internal reorganization and theoretical opening that the Mexican Communist party was going through at that time.
Brazil is a compelling example. Since 2016, hate speech has become a central node in the interpretation of social and political processes. The swing to the extreme right was supported by the promotion of hatred against the Workers’ Party, led by Luis Inácio Lula da Silva among popular social sectors, that contradictorily were beneficiaries of his redistributive policies (Casimiro 2018).
The research done by CEPAL (2019, p. 27), and carried out in eighteen Latin American countries, shows that the middle class (measured by stratification and based on multi-dimensional aspects) increased in the region by 26,7%, in 2002, to 36,6% in 2008, and 41,1% in 2017; however, it fell back to 36% in 2018. Currently, “76,8% of the population is made up of groups that belong to low or lower-middle class” (CEPAL 2019, p. 28). Although it is true there was an increase in middle classes until 2015, since then there has been a generalized decline, with a tendency to impoverishment (CEPAL 2019, p. 29).
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Acknowledgements
The authors thank the National Research and Development Agency of Chile that supported this article through the Project Fondecyt 1190056, “The Boundaries of Gender Violence: Migrant Women’s Experiences in South American Border Territories,” and the National Agency for Scientific and Technological Promotion of Argentina, through the Project PICT 2017-1767, “Emerging middle classes in Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay.” They also thank Christine Ann Hills for the translation to English.
Funding
The research that gives rise to this article was financed by the National Research and Development Agency of Chile (ANID, in its Spanish acronym) through the Fondecyt Project 1190056, “The Boundaries of Gender Violence: Migrant Women’s Experiences in South American Border Territories”; and by the National Agency for Scientific and Technological Promotion of Argentina, through the Project PICT 2017-1767, “Emerging middle classes in Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay.”
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MG carried out the state-of-the-art review on the Mexican and Brazilian Marxist anthropological literature for the periods between 1960 and 1980, while SM oversaw the review of the Argentine and Chilean literature for the same period. Both worked in the state-of-the-art review on Marx and Weber arguments (and of the theories inspired by both). Both authors worked on the writing of the article’s sections (originally in Spanish), in their review and on the review of the article’s translation from Spanish to English.
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Guizardi, M., Merenson, S. The uses of class: A Latin American anthropological reading of Marxist debates in the twentieth century. SN Soc Sci 2, 60 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s43545-022-00369-w
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s43545-022-00369-w