Abstract
Word emotion data were used to explore whether the two languages of bilingual speakers represent one or two verbal repertoires. Spanish–English bilinguals and monolingual speakers of Spanish and English rated the pleasantness of behavior analysis and general clinical terms in Spanish and English translations. Bilinguals' pleasantness ratings of Spanish and English terms were more similar than those made by Spanish and English monolinguals. This finding suggests that the Spanish and English listener repertoires of bilinguals are integrated, as one might expect from a derived stimulus relations perspective. Two control studies ruled out alternative explanations. We discuss the general importance of bilingual research in behavior analysis and the challenges of replicating and extending this finding and of reconciling it with the apparently contrasting results of mainstream investigations of bilingual repertoires.
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Notes
In past work, professional words not unique to behavior analysis were perceived as generally more pleasant than behavior analysis terms (Critchfield et al., 2017a, b). We thought it possible that the magnitude of this effect could differ for same- versus between-individual comparisons, but found no such effects and therefore present our results with the two types of professional terms pooled.
It doesn't appear to matter what specific words are used for calibration and control purposes, as long as they are commonly encountered (i.e., familiar) and represent the desired word emotion norms. Across studies we have gotten equally good results with a variety of such words.
After our study was conducted, the BACB updated its glossary (see Appendix for terms that differ from those in the 2018 update), and eventually stopped publishing glossaries altogether.
There is no ideal solution to the problem of which language to use for instructions given to bilinguals. We could have randomly assigned some to receive Spanish instructions and some to receive English instructions, but our N was too small to allow a reliable evaluation of whether this systematically affected the results. Thus we thought it best to be consistent across bilingual participants and chose Spanish arbitrarily for the language of instructions. This makes for an unbalanced design, although there is no evidence across our three studies that Spanish instructions correlate with particular effects. Were we to replicate, we would give bilinguals the instructions in both languages.
One study asked whether expertise in one language might interfere with acquisition of a second one. This is relevant to the Integrated Repertoire Hypothesis of the present investigation; however, the study employed laboratory analog procedures (excluding natural language stimuli) in individuals who were not bilingual (Houmanfar et al., 2005).
Because participants typically require only a few seconds to make each rating, bilinguals spent an additional 4 or 5 min in the rating procedure.
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This study was part of Daisy Bueno’s doctoral dissertation at Illinois State University, for which Jillian Reiher and Emilio Lobato provided valuable technical assistance.
Appendix
Appendix
Study 1: Word emotion ratings of 36 behavior analysis and 33 general clinical terms in Spanish and English forms. Spanish and English terms were rated by the same bilingual participants and by different monolingual participants. In all cases, N = 22. Also shown, when available, are previously established norms for English (from Warriner et al., 2013) and Spanish (from Stadthagen-Gonzalez et al., 2017) versions of the terms.
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Bueno, D., Zimmerman, C., Critchfield, T.S. et al. Do Bilinguals Have One Verbal Repertoire or Two? Evidence from Listener Word-Emotion Responses. Psychol Rec (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40732-023-00545-1
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s40732-023-00545-1