Introduction

In today’s consumer-driven world, the focus on appearance has intensified, particularly with the rise of social media platforms, such as Instagram. These platforms amplify societal standards of beauty, making the body image a central concern for many individuals. Therefore, appearance has become some of the most significant expressions of social value, influence, social identity and socio-economic status (SES) (Dittmar, 2008).

The body is not merely a biological and psychological entity; it is also a social construction shaped by various external factors. Within a sociological social psychological framework, the ability to study the effects of larger structural forces on the individuals involves three key principles: (1) Components principle: researchers must be able to identify the elements or components of society most likely to affect a given attitude or behavior. (2) Proximity principle: they need to understand the aspects or contexts of social structure that most affect us. And (3) Psychology principle: researchers need to understand how individuals internalize proximal experiences (Rohall et al., 2021: 39). Therefore, the social construction of the body occurs within three interrelated spheres, as highlighted by sexual objectification theory (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997): (1) contribution by the social environment (i.e., cultural norms, expectations, and values communicated in myriad ways, such as through the media); (2) interpersonal contribution (i.e., girls can be treated as and encouraged to be sexual objects by family, peers, and others); and (3) self-objectification (i.e., girls may treat and experience themselves as sexual objects).

Numerous studies have highlighted the pervasive sexualization of the female body in contemporary society (Biefeld et al., 2021; Gramazio et al., 2021). Sexualization refers to the reduction of women’s physical appearance, where they are judged primarily, if not exclusively, based on bodily criteria. This phenomenon is reinforced through a constant barrage of sexually objectifying messages women encounter in their daily lives. These messages are prevalent across various forms of media including social media platforms, advertisements, movies, and other cultural outlets. Such pervasive sexualization not only objectifies women, but also reinforces narrow and unrealistic standards of beauty that can negatively impact self-esteem and body image (APA, 2010; Dittmar, 2008).

Constant exposure to culturally sanctioned physical ideals—especially those that emphasize thinness in women—alongside pressure from influential social agents like peers, family, and the media (APA, 2010), can lead to significant psychological consequences. A central concept in this context is internalization, which refers to “the degree to which an individual ‘buys into’ socially prescribed appearance ideals, expresses a desire to attain these ideals, and engages in behaviors aimed at meeting them” (Schaefer et al., 2015). When individuals internalize these ideals, it can have harmful effects, such as body dissatisfaction, low self-esteem, or the adoption of unhealthy behaviors like restrictive dieting or excessive exercise. Moreover, self-reported early adversity has been linked to lower self-concept clarity, which, in turn, is associated with greater internalization of beauty ideals and more frequent appearance comparisons. These processes—internalization and appearance comparisons—are connected to body image concerns and self-objectification (Vartanian et al., 2018).

Self-objectification is defined as a state when one sees own’s body through the eyes of others and when own’s values stem largely from observable body attributes (e.g., “How do I look?”) rather than from a first-person perspective focused on privileged or non-observable body attributes (e.g., “What am I capable of?” and “How do I feel?”). (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). Research has shown that thin-ideal internalization and self-objectification predict body dissatisfaction (Dittmar, 2008; Diest & Perez, 2013; Schaefer et al., 2015). Internalization of often-unattainable ideals is thought to lead to body surveillance and constant monitoring of the body, intensifying the perceived gap between the ideal and reality for women (Dittmar, 2008). This process fuels body shame–a negative consequence experienced by women who self-objectify and come up short against cultural beauty standards. Body shame often leads to self-criticism, where individuals attribute their shortcomings to their entire selves (“I am unattractive”) instead of specific behaviours (“I ate unhealthy today”) (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). This negative self-perception can have significant consequences, such as social anxiety, depression, and unhealthy weight control practices such as restrictive dieting or excessive exercise (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997).

In summary, in addition to psychological factors, a woman’s social position is a crucial factor in the perception of body shame. The evidence suggests that age may significantly moderate vulnerability to sexually objectifying messages, with younger adolescents being most likely to experience negative outcomes (Rodgers & Rousseau, 2022). Research indicates that social identities contribute to a more nuanced understanding of positive body image (Palmeroni et al., 2020), suggesting that the behavioral expression of positive body image may be influenced by these identities (Tiggemann, 2015). Additionally, numerous studies have found that ethnic identity is inversely related to the internalization of societal beauty ideals and body dissatisfaction (Quinones et al., 2022; Rakhkovskaya et al., 2016; Rogers & Petrie, 2010). In conclusion, women and other groups whose appearance is strongly tied to attractiveness and self-worth may be at heightened risk of experiencing body shame (Rodgers & Rousseau, 2022).

Feelings toward one’s body are shaped by a complex interplay of factors, including the perceived social atmosphere and values of society, influence of close relationships, and internal self-assessment. Most research on body dissatisfaction utilizes cross-sectional or experimental models to explore these dynamics. These studies primarily focused on the social and psychological variables that intensify self-objectification, such as body shame and body surveillance. Key areas of research include the effects of mass media and social media (Karsay et al., 2018), internalization of the thin-ideal body standard (Fitzsimmons-Craft et al., 2012), and role of social comparisons (Hanna et al., 2017). Additionally, these studies examined the consequences of self-objectification and body dissatisfaction, which include heightened anxiety, the development of eating disorders, and decreased self-esteem (Fardouly & Vartanian, 2016; Seekis et al., 2020).

The current mainstream research has two limitations. First, most studies have investigated sexual objectification in Western countries; however, few have focused on its impact on women in Islamic countries. Cultural norms regarding body image may differ significantly, potentially leading to unique experiences of objectification. Furthermore, although cultural context and socialization are central to objectification theory, little research has focused on their effects on the perception of the body and its characteristics, which are rooted largely in people’s experiences during childhood and their childhood body image (Ko & Wei, 2020). For instance, maltreatment during childhood, such as bullying and verbal abuse related to physical features, should be considered important risk factors for the development of negative cognitive-affective body image in middle-aged women (Bödicker et al., 2022; Paxton & Damiano, 2017). Similarly, lifetime weight stigmatization mediates the relationship between current body mass index, overweight during childhood, depression, and body dissatisfaction (Stevens et al., 2017). This study attempted to discover the cultural and social-psychological resources that affect body shame among middle-aged Iranian women in Iran as a traditional Islamic society.

Social Complexity in Contemporary Iran

As cultural context is central to objectification theory (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997), more direct and relevant cultural information about Iranian women’s body image, social position, and gender roles should be considered. Attitudes and behaviours explicitly or implicitly are influenced by three main historical and cultural factors in Iran: patriarchal culture rooted in ancient history, Islamic beliefs and legal framework, and the rise of modernity (Mohseni, 2003). Historical patriarchy and Islamic beliefs are widely and intensely integrated, but they are not equivalent. By contrast, modernity characterized by questioning traditional and Islamic beliefs and values, creates tension with established practices. The tension between modernity and tradition in Iran has been widely discussed over the past hundred years; however, it was mostly exclusive to academics and intelligent people, who were a small fraction of society and had little influence on other parts of society (Rahmani & Tayebinia, 2018). However, through easy access to the Internet and the spread of social media, especially Instagram, over the past few years (DataReportal, 2023), Islamic beliefs and patriarchal traditions have been widely questioned and reconsidered by many of Iranians (Hashemi & Nasibi, 2021; Maroufpour & Safiri, 2018).

Considering the structural inequality of women, which originates from historical patriarchy and Islamic jurisprudence in the field of gender, the conflict between traditional-Islamic and modern values can be clearly seen. Though government structures and laws held a secular approach to women’s rights prior to the 1979 revolution, social norms were deeply traditional. Following the revolution, efforts to Islamize society led to the imposition of Islamic laws such as compulsory hijab and marriage regulations that disadvantage women (Moradi, 2023). While Islamic laws, including compulsory hijab, dictate women’s clothing and restrict their public participation, Iranian women have, over the past four decades, pursued greater social freedoms and gender equality, including freedom of dress, alongside advancements in education and employment.

Iranian society presents a unique case of social change due to the confluence of several factors: generational differences, widespread higher education, extensive exposure to Western influences, and a degree of religious diversity. Moreover, Iranian scholars have identified three distinct generational cohorts in post-revolution Iran: the 1980s generation (cohort 60), the 1990s generation (cohort 70), and the 2000s generation (cohort 80). These cohorts exhibit both internal cohesion and significant inter-generational variation in social attitudes and behaviours, particularly regarding Islamic dress codes (hijab), body image, premarital relationships, and religious rituals.

Iranian society exhibits a spectrum of views on tradition and modernity. A significant segment remains influenced by the Islamic environment and adheres to a traditional, religiously-oriented worldview. Conversely, a growing trend towards secularization is evident, facilitated by the internet and social media. A 2023 national survey on beliefs indicates this shift, with 34% of respondents identifying as less religious, while 42% remain highly religious. Interestingly, 62% agreed that true religiosity lies in inner faith over ritual practices (National survey of beliefs and attitudes of Iranians, 2023). Furthermore, studies by Hashemi and Nassibi (2021) and Rajaee et al. (2018) suggest a decline in popularity of traditional-Islamic tendencies, reflecting this broader societal change.

Method

Aims

Employing a critical feminist framework, this study sought to qualitatively explore the main sources of body shame among middle-aged Iranian women. Diverging from mainstream research, which predominantly examines variables such as media exposure, body surveillance, and the psychological ramifications of body shame, our primary objective was to investigate the impact of socialization within the traditional-Islamic milieu during childhood and adolescence on the current body shame. Moreover, differences in the sources of body shame between Iranian women and their Western counterparts might exist? based on the different socialization and cultural sources. Aligned with feminist principles (White et al., 2001), we posited that social identity could serve as a mitigating factor against feelings of body shame among participants. This study aimed to address the following research questions.

  1. (1)

    How do participants perceive and conceptualize their bodies?

  2. (2)

    How is participants’ body shame influenced by their gender socialization during childhood and adolescence?

  3. (3)

    What sources or factors have the most significant influence on the experience of body shame?

  4. (4)

    How do everyday social interactions and intimate relationships shape the experience of body shame?

  5. (5)

    How does social identity influence the experience of body shame?

Methodology

Most research on body dissatisfaction have relied on quantitative methodologies that focus on measuring specific bodily characteristics and their frequencies. However, this approach often overlooks the deeper meanings individuals attribute to their bodies. Regarding female body image and sexual attractiveness, Daniluk (2003) argues that these concepts are shaped by each woman’s unique history, taking on new qualities and meanings within the context of her evolving roles, experiences, and relationships. Therefore, the perception of the body and sexuality emerges from and is constrained by a woman’s social, relational, and biographical contexts. Rather than simply quantifying responses to predetermined questions, this perspective underscores the need for research that allows women to articulate and explore how the definitions and experiences of their bodies have evolved over time (Clarke, 2006). Consequently, given the sensitivity surrounding women’s issues in Iran, particularly in relation to historical, traditional, and religious contexts (Azadarmaki, 2007), the primary objective of this research was to explore and understand the underlying sources of body shame rather than merely collecting data and generating results, thus a qualitative approach using Grounded Theory was chosen for this study (Blaikie, 2000; Flick, 2006; Strauss & Corbin, 1998).

Sampling, Data Collection and Analysis

Grounded Theory employs theoretical sampling, which is a process of data collection aimed at theory development. In this approach, the researcher simultaneously collects, codes, and analyzes data, making decisions about which data to collect next and where to find it. This iterative process allows the theory to evolve and guides further data collection. A well-developed theory then directs the data-collection process. Key principles guiding this research include analytic induction for identifying and controlling negative and unique cases and theoretical saturation as the point at which recruitment concludes (Flick, 2006; Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Given that all women experience positive or negative feelings toward their bodies, making them potential participants, this study focused on selecting participants with diverse characteristics such as age, education, occupation, socioeconomic status, religiosity, and social activities.

In alignment with constructivist qualitative research paradigms, it is essential to acknowledge researchers’ roles as co-creators of meaning, which inherently introduce biases into data interpretation and assumptions. The second author, who holds a doctoral degree in sociology, was responsible for participant recruitment, scheduling, conducting the interviews, and data analysis. With extensive expertise in the body image literature and experience in multiple qualitative studies on body image issues among Iranian women, she played a crucial role in managing and conducting the interviews. The first author, skilled in qualitative analysis and with a background in research within the framework of women’s studies among Iranian women, verified transcriptions against audio recordings, conducted the analysis, and finalized the overarching themes and narrative structure.

In this study, sensitive concepts (Blaikie, 2000) were identified through a comprehensive literature review of self-objectification, body image, body dissatisfaction, and body management. These key sensitive concepts included women’s socialization during childhood and adolescence, the influence of significant others on bodily perceptions, physical self-concept, love relationships, and social identity. The research team collaboratively developed interview questions by employing a feminist approach to create semi-structured questions that encouraged open and collaborative dialogue with participants. To uphold ethical standards and protect participants’ confidentiality, all identifiers related to the interviewed women and other individuals were removed from the transcripts. The research received ethical approval from the Social Psychological Group of the Iranian Sociological Association’s Ethics Committee. The interviews were primarily conducted either at the participants’ homes or in a designated research space on campus, typically lasting one to two hours, and were carried out throughout the year 2022.

Participants were recruited through e-flyers distributed across academic and cultural Telegram and Instagram channels. These recruitment materials provided a brief overview of the study’s purpose–to investigate the influence of socialization on body shame among Iranian women. The second author, identified as a feminist, activist, and reputable figure in scientific circles, was introduced as the principal investigator, instilling a sense of trust among potential participants. She answered the inquiries and concerns via telephone calls, further fostering a sense of transparency and reliability. Interested individuals who met the study criteria and elected to participate were initially required to complete a brief prescreening questionnaire. The questionnaire solicited demographic information, religiosity level, and specific inquiries related to body image perceptions.

A total of 21 interviews were conducted; however, three interviews were excluded from the final analysis because the participants chose to withdraw from the study after the interviews had been completed. Among the remaining participants, 12 identified as belonging to “Cohort 60” (aged 34 to 44), and six identified as “Cohort 70” (aged 24 to 34). In terms of religiosity, four participants described themselves as highly religious, seven as moderately religious, and seven as low or very low. Educationally, four participants held doctoral degrees, twelve held master’s degrees, and two held bachelor’s degrees. Regarding socioeconomic status, five participants identified themselves as upper-middle class, ten as middle-class, and two as lower-class. Occupationally, the sample included seven housewives, one university student, and the rest from various occupations. Table 1 provides a detailed overview of participants’ background characteristics. To minimize gender bias, the interviews were analyzed by both male and female researchers. The analysis began with open coding, which continued through the final step of selective coding. Open and axial coding was conducted simultaneously during the analysis, allowing for the identification of patterns and themes. Following this, selective coding was used to examine and question the relationships between the categories and the core reference category (Flick, 2006; Golafshani, 2003; Strauss & Corbin, 1998).

Table 1 Participant demographic information
Full size table

Evaluation

Alignment between the research approach and focus of the study is a fundamental principle in the evaluation of all research (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Flick, 2006). Within a critical feminist framework, the Grounded Theory approach was chosen as the methodological framework because of its recognition of women as the true authority on their own experiences. This approach acknowledges multiple realities and facilitates an understanding of how power dynamics and sexual objectification intersect in different social and historical contexts. Thus, the correspondence between a qualitative approach and a research topic is evident (Flick, 2006; Clarke, 2006).

Trustworthiness (Lincoln and Guba, 1985), as the primary criterion for evaluating qualitative research, refers to the extent to which the results are derived solely from observations and accurately reflect the participants’ perceptions. To ensure trustworthiness, we considered credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability in all stages of the research. Multiple credibility checks were employed to assess every phase of the data collection and analysis process (Creswell, 2013). The credibility checks included: (1) continuous adjustments to ensure that the questions remained relevant and meaningful to all participants; (2) ensuring interviewer competency by adhering to interview guidelines and emphasizing thorough notetaking during interviews; (3) resolving contradictions during the coding phases through consensus, thereby grounding the model in participants’ experiences rather than in individual biases; and (4) implementing memo checking, conducting frequent quality control of audio file transcriptions, and ensuring meticulous encoding (Flick, 2006; Strauss & Corbin, 1998).

Transferability was achieved using analytic induction criteria and discriminant sampling during participant recruitment. To ensure the applicability of the findings to similar contexts or individuals, the researchers invited participants who varied in occupation, marital status, age, religiosity, and social activity. After the interviews, participants were encouraged to share any additional thoughts or feelings about the subject.

Dependability and Confirmability were ensured by using several techniques. All interviews were recorded using audio devices and transcribed by a third party. Data analysis was conducted collaboratively by two authors, one female and one male, to mitigate gender bias. The analysis began with open coding and progressed to the final stage of selective coding. Researchers have employed a constant comparative method, continuously refining categories and coding schemas based on emerging insights. Open and axial coding were performed concurrently during the interview analyses, followed by selective coding and the exploration of various ways to connect and reference categories (Flick, 2006; Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Saturation was reached after conducting 18 interviews, as evidenced by the redundancy in participants’ responses. Therefore, this sample size was considered adequate for a grounded theory study (Creswell, 2013).

Findings

The findings describe how middle-aged Iranian women conceptualize body shame and the categories that appear to influence their body shame.

Body Shame (Core Concept)

According to McKinley and Hyde (1996), body shame is articulated as how bad people feel when they do not meet the ideal cultural standards regarding their bodies. The female participants in this study conveyed a spectrum of emotions, attitudes, and behaviors associated with their experiences of body shame, encompassing feelings of dissatisfaction, beliefs about attractiveness, and engagement in activities such as exercise, makeup routines, and cosmetic surgery. The participants’ narratives revealed three key dimensions of body shame: (a) the pursuit of a thin-ideal body, (b) the significance of facial beauty, and (c) considerations related to skin tone. Notably, one participant exhibited an extreme manifestation of body shame, expressing discontent with all aspects of her body. Conversely, five interviewees reported a complete absence of body shame. However, the prevailing trend was observed among 12 participants who experienced varying degrees of average or low body shame, as Mahsa narrated:

“I’m still not happy with my body. I feel like I’m too thin, and I don’t see myself as sexy. I feel like my femininity is not very strong. On the other hand, I can’t do anything about it because I know that if I fall into it, I’m a loser anyway, so I won’t get into it”.

While the source of body shame within this category was not exclusively confined to a singular body part, it is evident that a predominantly negative sentiment was notably associated with a specific body part. In this group of participants, seven conveyed a desire for a thin body and slender belly? three expressed a wish to increase their height, and two articulated a preference for smaller breasts. The nuanced nature of the presence or absence of body shame was evident as participants concurrently acknowledged satisfaction with their overall physique while experiencing low discontent with specific features. Notably, concerns related to obesity, aspirations for alterations such as achieving a lighter skin tone, and seeking increased height were among the specific areas of focus for the participants. For instance, Elham said:

“I would prefer my face to be a little bit whiter. While I am aware of my attractiveness, I have always believed that I would be more attractive if I had a slightly lighter? complexion. For instance, my hair has become quite white, and I would have preferred for it not to have turned white so soon due to genetics”.

Importantly, this study illuminated the transient nature of body shame, as it was not a constant sentiment ubiquitous across all contexts. Many participants reported experiencing body shame exclusively in women’s gatherings or specific social situations. Despite this variability, eight participants acknowledged that they felt beautiful. However, four participants did not describe themselves as beautiful, yet they did not experience shame regarding their bodies. This group, although not aligned with societal ideals of beauty, demonstrated considerable satisfaction with their bodies. Shadi described her beliefs about appearance and her reasons for body satisfaction that arose from her spouse’s comments:

“I know I’m not very pretty woman and that’s okay with me. I have a good relationship with my husband, and we’re both happy. The things he says to me are so real that I can understand them. Sometimes I feel bad about myself, especially when I’m wearing a chador and Aria (my kid) is in my arms. I feel like I’m all crooked and bent over. But overall, I feel good about myself right now”.

Sexual Attractiveness

Throughout the coding process, in many instances where participants did not prominently exhibit body shame, a specific code titled “lack of body shame” was devised. Remarkably, across all cases falling under this code, a consistent theme emerged, namely the expression of feelings of desirability and sexual attractiveness as integral components associated with the absence of body shame.

Crucially, the primary catalyst for this absence of body shame was identified as a form of body esteem grounded in sexual attractiveness. Unlike being solely tethered to bodily characteristics, this construct was delineated as a social phenomenon originating from an individual’s experiences during socialization, particularly in youth and, to some extent, since childhood. It was specifically linked to an individual’s emotions and perceptions regarding their ability and skills to attract a sexual partner, foster successful romantic relationships, and, more broadly, experience a sense of acceptance and desirability among men in everyday interactions. Mina described sexual attractiveness and its effect on self-esteem:

“Beauty is not important whether you have it or not, if you are confident that you know how to be sexy and experience it in daily relations, you have had successful relationships, you will be satisfied. I understand that I have sex appeal, but because we are religious people, because of religion a shyness has been defined for us, I never use that seductive aspect, but I know I have it and it gives me confidence”.

This dimension of body-esteem transcends conventional standards of beauty and thin-ideal body criteria. Instead, it encompasses elements of sexy physical allure, including pronounced features, such as seductive breasts and hips, as well as behaviors that are deemed sexually attractive. Thus, this dimension underscores the pivotal role of communication skills in utilizing one’s femininity, emphasizing that an individual, irrespective of possessing or lacking conventional beauty standards or an ideal body, must possess a set of communication skills to effectively leverage their femininity.

The perception of sexual attractiveness was based on three pillars. First, it encompasses the sexual allure of the body, exemplified by sexualized thinness accentuated by seductive breasts and hip features. Second, communication skills play a pivotal role in attracting more men. Attractiveness was conceived as a synergy between an aesthetically pleasing sexual body and feminine alluring behaviours that empowered a woman to captivate men, transcending the conventional emphasis on physical beauty. Notably, a substantial number of participants asserted that feminine, seductive behavioural styles are more important than mere physical beauty, asserting their efficacy even in the absence of conventional beauty. However, they posited that beauty alone lacks efficacy without attractive complementary communication skills. Bahar explained the lived experience of perceptions of sexual attractiveness:

“When I went for job interviews, even though I was wearing a chador, they liked my appearance. It was proven to me that even though I was wearing a chador, I had that charm and my facial power is high, and I was also mischievous. As my friends say, I would flirt on the go because I am generally a warm person, I can talk easily, and I am social”.

Finally, these communication skills extend beyond the initial attraction, encompassing the nuanced dynamics of behaviour during intimate encounters. Participants expressed that how one represents oneself during intimate moments significantly influences partner satisfaction, engendering a reciprocal sense of desirability and idealization.

In conclusion, participants articulated a dual framework for the perception of sexual attractiveness, encompassing both general and individualized dimensions. In the general sense, participants hold beliefs about their overall beauty and receive validation in customary social and communicative contexts. On an individualized scale, attractiveness was evaluated based on the opinion of specific individuals, such as spouses or boyfriends, that might be deviating from conventional societal standards. This nuanced comprehension underscores the multifaceted nature of the perception of attractiveness that adapts to different interpersonal contexts. The influence of intimate relationships on shaping individualized standards further highlights the intricate interplay between personal experiences and societal norms in perceptions of sexual attractiveness. For example, in the following case, Dorin was both short and obese? but she had very little body shame because she believed that she had enough sexual attraction, especially for her boyfriend.

“I’ve never been skinny. We had a neighbour who was very skinny and much older than me, and she would always say, “I want to be like Darin?, I want to be fat like Darin?, I want my thighs to be like Darin’s?.” I would hear these things, or I would notice the way boys looked at me. My boyfriend sometimes tells me to lose weight, maybe more out of goodwill, but sometimes when he’s aroused, he says, “No, I was wrong, don’t lose weight, your butt is good”.

Participants expressed varying degrees of body-esteem grounded in sexual attractiveness, stemming from distinct sources. The primary determinant was an individual’s physical self-concept, while the quantity and quality of intimate relationships served as the secondary factor.

Physical Self-Concept

It is an individual’s perception of oneself around physical ability and appearance. It refers to a lifetime belief in their attractiveness and body image. A set of lasting memories and perceived comments about one’s beauty and bodily characteristics over time frames? one’s physical self-concept. To discover women’s physical self-concept, we focused on their experiences from early childhood and socialization as a woman in a patriarchal and religious culture. Most of the participants (n = 12) experienced two completely different body images during childhood and adolescence.

All participants frequently narrated lasting memories concerning gender socialization as the starting point for perceptions of female body objectification in early childhood. With the salience of their feminine bodily characteristics or reaching the chronological age of puberty (a girl is mature at the age of nine in Islam and has the same religious responsibilities as an adult woman), girls experience a kind of gender socialization.

While the girls were socialized to obey the Islamic hijab, they encountered severe social pressure that they should not wear any makeup and were not allowed to be beautiful before being married. However, the girls were simultaneously witnessing that women and even girls received more attention and comments based on their beauty, such as thinness, well-groomed straight hair, and light-coloured skin (i.e., whiteness), in family settings and society. However, obesity is stigmatized as an attribute that causes negative evaluations in girls. While many participants (n = 13) narrated their experiences and negative feelings about a lack of attractiveness and beauty and believed that they were not beautiful during their childhood, five participants believed that they were beautiful in their childhood. For example, Pari disclosed:

“I hid the fact of being ugly in my inner self, and I admitted that I would never look good to others. No matter how hard I tried, I wouldn’t look beautiful in my mom’s eyes or in some others. My friends would say it’s not like that; your eyes and eyebrows are beautiful”.

For example, an older sister, as one of the “important others”, reminded a little sister of the importance of the thin-ideal body as the most important women’s evaluation criterion and attached it to fear of negative evaluation by others below. This process establishes a lasting and indelible memory in the girl’s mind as the most important and powerful factor in the formation of a negative body image in childhood and current body shame after many years, as noted by Mina:

“I had a full breakfast with barbari bread and butter and such. I clearly remember that immediately after my sister hugged me and put me on the sewing machine table and warned me, “Now that you are eating lots of fatty things, you will get fat, and no one will love you!” This sentence is still hurting me. I was nine years old at the time, which made a bad mark on my memory. I wasn’t a really plump kid. I thought I was not born beautiful. Even if I had been beautiful, I wouldn’t have been so in my family’s eyes”.

Nevertheless, most of the participants exhibited a positive physical self-concept during their adolescence, influenced by the prospect of applying facial makeup and communicating with their male counterparts, and only three participants had a negative physical self-concept in their youth. While familial influences, particularly from significant others like mothers or aunts, were paramount in shaping self-concept during childhood, close-knit friend circles and interactions within public settings emerged as the primary influencers of self-concept in adolescence. The formation of body image during youth was notably shaped by peer opinions on beauty, evaluations of one’s bodily characteristics, and daily interactions with both genders in university and workplace environments. For instance, Mahsa explained the positive influence of a close friend on her physical self-concept, while she suffered from a very negative physical self-concept in her childhood:

“I first felt attractive and sexy when that friend of mine boosted my confidence. He would always say, “Wow, you’re so pretty, you’re so cute, you look like a cat, you have beautiful eyes.” I really don’t know why, but it made me feel really good. Maybe I even started taking better care of myself and wearing more makeup”.

In the following example, Darya considered herself a stunning, ideal, and desirable woman because of her past experiences and the numerous love requests she had from different men, therefore enjoyed a positive physical self-concept. Although she had undergone plastic surgery for weight loss due to her husband’s negative comments about her belly since the birth of her child, she had no body shame:

“After Mahoor’s (child) birth, my husband made so many negative comments that made me do a liposuction; I went to remove my belly. Before that, my belly was flat like a barbie; I would work out all the time. I believed if I wanted to, I could have several men around me with my current body and to be married”.

For most of the participants, the significance and influence of youthful memories exerted a more pronounced effect on an individual’s overall body image than those of childhood. It is noteworthy that discrepancies between the body images of childhood and youth were evident in 12 cases, wherein individuals did not perceive themselves as beautiful during childhood yet experienced feelings of sexual attractiveness and beauty during their youth. In all these instances, body shame associated with youth predominates in shaping the individual’s current perceptions regarding their body and perceived capacity to attract male attention, as reported by Mina:

“The first time after our engagement when I went on a night out with Hamed, he took my hand and said, “You’ve got very beautiful hands.” And I said to myself, “How could he see my short, chubby fingers as beautiful?” Then he said, “Promise to always take care of your hands.” Now, just imagine saying so to a girl who has been told for a lifetime that she doesn’t have beautiful fingers…to a girl who would always put her hands in her pockets when going out. I felt I was beautiful after that, thinking maybe I’m not that ugly”.

Intimate Relationships

Perception of sexual attractiveness fostered during interpersonal relations and engagements with men in everyday interactions and with boyfriends or spouses in intimate relationships. The findings revealed that many of the participants attributed the cultivation of their sense of sexual attractiveness and adept communication skills with men to their university experiences. Through their transition into adulthood and interactions within the university milieu, the participants had the opportunity to refine and engage in meaningful and sustained interactions with their male peers. These interactions, initiated at various stages, played a pivotal role in shaping the social and communicative acumen of the participants in their pursuit of attracting men.

While some participants exhibited innate communication and flirting abilities from childhood, a subset of eight individuals initially lacked the proficiency to establish relationships or captivate partners upon entering university. Nevertheless, through gradual exposure and experiential learning, they acquired the necessary flirting techniques and alluring behaviours, ultimately becoming skilled in attracting male partners. In essence, the perception of sexual attractiveness among participants was influenced by multifaceted factors, including partners’ satisfaction with their physical attributes as well as the quality and frequency of compliments received regarding their body and sexual prowess. Fereshteh discussed the pivotal role of her communications in university that promoted greater appreciation and self-respect for her body:

“I had a boyfriend in college. my relationship and flirting made me think that maybe I’m not so bad after all. I realized that people like to be around me”.

Some of the participants were traditional and religious and were not able to engage in intimate relationships; their spouse was the most influential person in shaping their body shame, and spouses’ positive or negative comments had a powerful impact on a person’s behaviour and attitude toward their body, even when performing cosmetic surgery. Five participants expressed a positive feeling toward their body and appearance after marriage, despite the existence of a negative physical self-concept in their childhood. For instance, Shadi had an extremely negative childhood body image rooted in her mother’s destroying comments about her body, but she obtained positive body image after marriage through her spouse’s comments:

“Mehdi complimented my face. He said, “I had heard good things about you. I asked God for a person with good morals and faith. But when I saw you, I realized that you are also very beautiful.” He kept complimenting me on this, but I didn’t believe him. I said, “Well, that’s just your taste. You have bad taste.” I didn’t believe him at first, but gradually I accepted it”.

Social Identity

Participants who identified with professional or social roles within society and perceived themselves as individuals beyond the realms of motherhood or spousal duties tended to exhibit lower levels of body shame when confronted with sexually objectifying messages. These individuals placed less emphasis on conventional beauty ideals and thin-ideal body criteria, consequently displaying reduced susceptibility to the influences of objectifying messages and negative body imagery from their past experiences. Mahsa, who was a software engineer and manager of a company, described the importance of body management in everyday life.

“It’s not a concern for me a lot of things. I don’t spend much time in front of the mirror. At best, maybe when I go to the bathroom, I check my face, or maybe I happen to see how disheveled I am, and then I tidy up quickly. Or when I see how hairy my face is, I take care of it with a gillette at night. This might be due to being very busy with work”.

Conversely, women whose identities were predominantly defined by their roles as a wife and a mother in their daily lives exhibited greater vulnerability, particularly in the face of negative comments, notably from their spouses and significant others. Social identity affects one’s body shame as a contextual factor when encountering sexually objectifying messages. For example, when a person had a powerful social identity, the effect of negative comments was very mild or had little influence on her feelings. However, when a woman suffered from a weak social identity, it was considered an influential negative factor against other positive factors in her body and appearance evaluation. As shown in Fig. 1, social identity influences the link of causal conditions with sexual attractiveness and body shame.

Fig. 1
figure 1

Theory of Iranian women’s body shame experiences. Conditions is a term consistent with Strauss and Corbin’s (1998) model. These conditions can indirectly influence body shame

Full size image

Discussion

According to McKinley and Hyde (1996), body shame is defined as the negative emotional response that individuals experience when they perceive a misalignment between their bodies and thin-ideal body criteria. Compared to mainstream research in the area of objectification, scant research has focused on the effects of socialization and cultural background on self-objectification and body shame (Ko & Wei, 2020). Since sociocultural background and current context have a great impact on women’s body shame (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997), there should be a behavioral and attitudinal difference between women who grow up in traditional Islamic culture and those who grow up in Western individualistic culture. Therefore, this study attempted to discover the cultural and social-psychological resources that affect body shame among middle-aged Iranian women in Iran as a traditional Islamic society.

If we conceptualize body shame according to McKinley and Hyde’s definition (1996) as akin to a personality disorder, wherein individuals experiencing shame tend to attribute their deficiencies globally to the self rather than specifically to their body parts (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997), only one participant in our study exhibited such intensified levels of body shame. The findings emphasize the intricate nature of body shame perceptions, with most participants negotiating a nuanced equilibrium between overall satisfaction with their bodies and specific areas that provoke dissatisfaction or desire for modification. For example, despite being short or obese? some participants did not report significant body shame. Therefore, the multifaceted character of body shame underscores the necessity of a comprehensive comprehension of body image dynamics, acknowledging the interplay between general contentment and focal points of concern.

Although extensive research has demonstrated pervasive levels of body dissatisfaction and shame among Iranian women, particularly adolescents and young adults (Shoraka et al., 2019), our findings diverge from this prevailing trend. This discrepancy may primarily stem from variations in the methodologies employed to assess body shame and dissatisfaction in previous studies. Secondly, previous research showed that, in comparison to colored girls, white girls feel a greater level of body shame when encountering sexually objectifying messages (Milkie, 1999). Therefore, it might be concluded that the meaning and importance of thin-ideal body criteria are different for Iranian women than for their Western counterparts.

Previous research shows gender role socialization shapes emotional experiences, specifically feelings of shame in women compared to men. (Gilchrist et al., 2020). This study demonstrates that body shame is predominantly influenced by socialization experiences and perceptions of sexual attractiveness, thereby shaping individuals’ interpretations and constructions of bodily characteristics. Our findings indicate that positive physical self-concept and perceived sexual attractiveness are coupled with reduced levels of body shame, especially upon transitioning to university education during adolescence or after marriage through intimate relationships. This shift coincided with heightened awareness of men’s expectations and the perceived capacity to fulfill these expectations, facilitating improved interpersonal communication with men. Milkie (1999) disclosed the partner’s expectations as the main source of pressures of self-objectification as white adolescent girls encounter challenges in resisting sexually objectifying messages, characterized by artificially thin-ideal body characteristics, despite harboring doubts about the realism of such standards. This challenge arises from white girls’ perception that their peers, including adolescent boys, will evaluate them based on the media-propagated ideals, while American African girls simultaneously feel lower shame based on their partners’ expectations of black women. Although this perception may not necessarily reflect reality, the influence of perceived societal expectations on individual body shame is notable.

Self-concept refers to a stable image of oneself that lasts a long time based on one’s socialization and lasting memories. Although body shame might not be stable during this time, physical self-concept is stable and cannot be modified or changed easily. It is possible that one person enjoys a positive physical self-concept and simultaneously suffers from body shame, or vice versa. Based on our findings, if a woman does not perceive sexual attractiveness in everyday relationships, positive physical self-concept cannot considerably influence her body shame. Although physical self-concept is important for perceived sexual attractiveness, it is not the main source. If physical self-concept can be combined with a feeling of sexual attractiveness, it probably works as a negative factor in body shame. Moreover, we found that most of our participants had a negative physical self-concept in childhood, but many of them enjoyed a positive physical self-concept during adolescence. Thus, when there is a conflict between childhood and adolescent physical self-concepts, adolescent experiences have more influential and powerful effects.

Compared to a woman with a powerful social or professional identity, women without a salient social identity are involved in considerable body shame in encountering objectifying stimuli and negative comments, despite the enjoyment of perception of sexual attractiveness and positive physical self-concept. On the other hand, women who had a powerful social or professional identity, even with a lack of sexual attractiveness or without stable intimate relationships, still engaged in a bit of body shame. Powerful social identity might affect women’s attitudes and beliefs toward beauty and thin-ideal body criteria. Therefore, social identity might be considered a highly influential contextual factor that moderates the sexually objectifying procedures in different social situations.

Participants in this study were aged 25–39 years, and their socialization experiences were about 15–25 years ago; thus, the findings cannot be generalized to the current time. Girls’ socialization and behavioral norms have transformed dramatically in the last 20 years. Although patriarchal-Islamic gender socialization and related beliefs are pronounced widely in the national and Islamic media and are still alive in the minds of some Iranians, their social pressure is not comparable to that of the past. Although rules officially support traditional Islamic norms in schools, due to overall social change in favor of women’s rights and the irrationality of traditions, as well as many female teachers who do not believe in these traditions in schools, the pressure from social norms (and their consequences) is not the same as in the past.

Limitations

The findings of this qualitative study require careful consideration within the context of several limitations that may constrain the generalizability of the results. While the participants provided insightful narratives concerning their experiences of body shame, it is imperative to acknowledge that our sample may not fully encapsulate the intricate spectrum of perspectives of all Iranian women regarding their body shame. Notably, all participants possessed a university degree, potentially limiting the representation of experiences among Iranian women who do not share the same educational background.

Moreover, our exploration did not comprehensively delve into the influence of social media platforms such as Instagram on the participants’ experiences of body shame. Future research should strive to investigate the potential synergistic impact of gender socialization and social media usage on body image concerns. Additionally, we did not collect data on participants’ body mass index (BMI). Finally, it is important to recognize that the transcribed narratives may offer only a partial representation of the multifaceted ways in which sociocultural factors contribute to body shame among Iranian women. Thus, future research should employ diverse methodologies to attain a comprehensive understanding of this phenomenon.

Conclusion

This study presents an inclusive and comprehensive model for understanding the experiences of body shame among middle-aged Iranian women. To fully grasp these experiences, it is essential to analyze the complex intersection of religion, tradition, and modernity within the context of Iranian culture. Our research sought to explore how Iranian women conceptualize body shame, the sociocultural factors that contribute to it, and the influence of socialization during childhood and adolescence as well as social identity on the development of body shame.

This study advances the existing literature by highlighting perceived lack of sexual attractiveness as the primary source of body shame among participants. Sexual attractiveness, understood as a social construct, was shaped by past social relationships, particularly intimate relationships, which played a significant role in the construction of their physical self-concept. The social identity and activities of these women greatly influence the impact of causal conditions on their perception of sexual attractiveness and consequently, their experiences of body shame. Recognizing that Iranian women’s perceptions of body shame and sexual attractiveness are socially constructed, fluid, and embedded in everyday interactions, especially recent experiences, clinicians and researchers can gain a deeper understanding of the contradictory ways Iranian women perceive the female body and its sexual appeal.