Abstract
The current study uses the Wukan protest as a case study to assert that the Chinese farmers involved in the incident demonstrated “instrumental civil rights consciousness” in their protest. Civil rights is a means by which farmers strive for their economic rights and not an end in itself. Without real “rights consciousness,” the Wukan protests resemble “institutionalized participation” more than “rightful resistance.” The grassroots elections and self-governance that have resulted from the protest are not so much a harbinger of the emergence of bottom-up civil society as top-down initiatives by the central government. The central government has incorporated opposing powers into the existing institution to adjust state–society relations. By using bottom-up institutionalized participation, the central government has managed to strengthen its supervision over local governments, fight corruption, and stabilize its authority.
Résumé
La présente étude utilise la révolte de Wukan comme étude de cas pour affirmer que les agriculteurs chinois impliqués dans cet évènement ont démontré une «conscience de droits civiques instrumentale» dans leur protestation. Les droits civils sont un moyen par lequel les agriculteurs cherchent à obtenir leurs droits économiques et ne sont pas une fin en soi. Sans une réelle «conscience des droits», les protestations de Wukan ressemblent plus à une «participation institutionnalisée» qu’à une «résistance légitime». Les élections locales et l’autogestion qui ont découlé de cette protestation ne sont pas tant un signe avant-coureur de l’émergence de la société civile, de bas en haut, que des initiatives venant d’en haut par le gouvernement central. Le gouvernement central a intégré les contrepouvoirs dans l’institution existante pour redéfinir les relations entre l’État et la société. À l’aide de la participation institutionnalisée de bas en haut, le gouvernement central a réussi à renforcer son contrôle sur les administrations locales, lutter contre la corruption et stabiliser son autorité.
Zusammenfassung
Die gegenwärtige Studie nimmt den Protest in Wukan als eine Fallstudie zur Behauptung, dass die chinesischen Landwirte bei ihrem Protest ein „instrumentelles Bewusstsein für ihre Bürgerrechte“demonstrierten. Bürgerrechte stellen ein Mittel dar, mit dem Landwirte für ihre wirtschaftlichen Rechte und nicht für einen Selbstzweck kämpfen. Ohne ein wahres „Bewusstsein für Rechte“gleicht der Protest in Wukan eher einer „institutionalisierten Partizipation“als einem „rechtmäßigen Widerstand“. Die Basiswahlen und Selbstregierung, zu denen der Protest geführt hat, sind weniger ein Vorbote für eine Bottom-up-Bürgergesellschaft als für Top-down-Initiativen seitens der Zentralregierung. Die Zentralregierung hat gegnerische Kräfte in die bestehende Institution integriert, um die Beziehung zwischen Staat und Gesellschaft anzupassen. Durch eine Bottom-up institutionalisierte Partizipation hat es die Zentralregierung geschafft, ihre Kontrolle der Lokalregierungen zu intensivieren, Korruption zu bekämpfen und ihre Autorität zu stabilisieren.
Resumen
El presente estudio utiliza la protesta de Wukan como un estudio de caso para reivindicar que los agricultores chinos implicados en el incidente demostraron “concienciación instrumental de los derechos civiles” en su protesta. Los derechos civiles son un medio por el que los agricultores luchan por su derechos económicos y no un fin en sí mismo. Sin “concienciación real de los derechos”, las protestas de Wukan parecen “participación institucionalizada” más que “resistencia justa”. Las elecciones de base y el autogobierno que han dado lugar a la protesta no son tanto una señal del surgimiento de la sociedad civil de abajo a arriba como iniciativas de arriba a abajo por parte del gobierno central. El gobierno central ha incorporado los poderes opositores a la institución existente para ajustar las relaciones sociedad-estado. Mediante la utilización de la participación institucionalizada de abajo a arriba, el gobierno central se las ha arreglado para fortalecer su supervisión de los gobiernos locales, luchar contra la corrupción y estabilizar su autoridad.
本文通过对乌坎抗争的案例研究, 提出了中国农民在抗争中呈现的“工具化的公民权利意识”。它实际上只是农民争取经济权利的工具而不是目的。由于没有真正的“权利意识”, 乌坎抗争更像“被制度化的参与”而非 “依法抗争”。 抗争促成的基层选举和自治, 更像是中央政府自上而下的主动选择, 而非自下而上的公民社会发展的预兆。中央政府通过促成民主选举, 将抗争力量内化到制度框架中, 以此调整国家社会关系, 并借用抗争者自下而上的被制度化的参与加强对地方政府的监督、惩治腐败和稳定统治。
تستخدم الدراسة الحالية إحتجاج (Wukan) كدراسة حالة للتأكيد على أن المزارعين الصينيين المتورطين في الحادث أثبتوا “أداة الوعي بالحقوق المدنية “ في إحتجاجهم. الحقوق المدنية هي الوسائل التي يكافح المزارعون لحقوقهم الإقتصادية وليس نهاية في حد ذاتها. دون “وعي الحقوق” الحقيقية،إحتجاجات (Wukan) تشبه “المشاركة المؤسسية” أكثر من “المقاومة المشروعة”. الإنتخابات الشعبية والحكم الذاتي التي نتجت عن الإحتجاج ليست كثيرا” نذيرا” لظهور المجتمع المدني من أسفل إلى أعلى كمبادرات من أعلى إلى أسفل من قبل الحكومة المركزية. قد أدرجت الحكومة المركزية سلطات المعارضة في مؤسسة قائمة لضبط العلاقات بين الدولة والمجتمع.. بإستخدام المشاركة التصاعدية المؤسسية، تمكنت الحكومة المركزية من تعزيز رقابتها على الحكومات المحلية ومحاربة الفساد وتحقيق الإستقرار في سلطتها.
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Notes
The interviews are numbered in the following fashion: (Time-place-identity of interviewee-name code of the interviewee).
Email from Elizabeth J. Perry.
The timing of the protest’s occurrence and the intervention of western media have been regarded in previous analyses as vital factors that drew the central government’s attention (see Huang et al. 2013; Cai 2010). The Wukan incident began in September 2011 and lasted for more than 5 months, during which “the National People’s Congress (NPC)” and “the Chinese people’s political consultative conference” (the Chinese called these the “two sessions”) took place. The two sessions form the highest civilian political institutionalization platform in China.
Zhu Mingguo’s speech; see Shanwei Government Official Website: http://www.shanwei.gov.cn/163919.html, Nov. 20, 2011.
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Hua, R., Hou, Y. & Deng, G. Instrumental Civil Rights and Institutionalized Participation in China: A Case Study of Protest in Wukan Village. Voluntas 27, 2131–2149 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11266-015-9616-9
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11266-015-9616-9