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Legislating language in Taiwan: from equality to development to status quo

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Abstract

This paper looks into failed attempts by the Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) minority government (2000–2008) to alter Taiwan’s Mandarin-dominated language regime by drafting law proposals recognizing the languages of all Taiwanese ethnic groups as equal national languages. This paper argues that the failure to enact language regime change in Taiwan can best be explained by the logic of the Taiwanese party system, which incentivized mainstream parties to play down their antagonistic Hoklo-Taiwanese and Mainland-Chinese ethnocultural cores to vie for electoral support from Hakka and Aboriginal ethnic minorities. This party logic, compounded by the DPP’s minority position in the legislature, had two implications for language policy-making in Taiwan. First, the electoral incentive for the DPP to de-radicalize its pro-Taiwan identity platform pushed the party to resort to covert ways of showing commitment to its radical faction, such as appointing language revivalists to ethnolinguistic committees. This resulted in a shift in focus from de jure language regime change to a reliance on bureaucratic channels in language policy-making. Second, the same political dynamics have discouraged parties from appealing to ethnonationalist rhetoric, prompting them to express their antagonistic ideologies of Taiwanese and Chinese nationalism through typically liberal conceptions of language rights. Appeals to linguistic human rights, however, may not have constituted a strong enough justification for substantial changes in language policy. By appealing to the political and cultural status quo, the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuo Min Tang or KMT) has had the upper hand in the debates.

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Notes

  1. The Hoklo and their language originated from the Southern Fujian area on the Chinese Mainland, and are also known as Holo, Minnan (Southern Min), Hokkien or Fukienese. While it is customary in Chinese to add the suffixes for person (人 ren) or language/tongue (語 yu/話 hua) to terms relating to ethnic groups and languages (ex: Minnanren meaning Minnan people and Minnanyu meaning the Minnan language), I do not follow this convention here out of concerns for simplicity and consistency. Therefore, the terms Hoklo or Hakka refer either to the Hoklo/Hakka people or to their language, depending on the context.

  2. Taiwan is normally conceptualized as comprising four large ethnic groups (si da zuqun): the Hoklo (70 %), Hakka (15 %), Mainlanders (Waishengren, lit. “out-of-province” people) (12 %), and Austronesian Aboriginals (Yuanzhumin) (2 %). Except for Aboriginals, who settled on Taiwanese territory thousands of years ago, the Hoklo, Hakka and Mainlanders are all “ethnic Han Chinese” but of different sub-cultural or regional affiliations. The Hoklo and Hakka migrated to Taiwan from South Eastern China from the seventeenth century onward, while Mainlanders arrived to Taiwan after 1945 as part of the KMT military and administrative contingent. Although originally from various parts of China, Mainlanders have nonetheless been associated with Mandarin because it is the Mainlander-dominated KMT dictatorship that introduced and enforced the language in Taiwan.

  3. This is not to say that ethnic conflict and party politics are the only factors explaining the failure of language recognition. In fact, it would be misleading to state that the Hoklo (or any other Taiwanese ethnolinguistic group) have been particularly enthusiastic about cultural recognition. However, if Taiwan’s population has been rather indifferent to cultural recognition, the fact that the DPP did propose changes to Taiwan’s language regime through linguistic laws in response to its cultural revivalist lobby clearly indicates that there has been at least some politically significant demand for recognition. Moreover, popular indifference does not explain why Hoklo recognition has been particularly controversial (and therefore politically unviable), while commitment to minority cultures has become an imperative of Taiwanese party politics.

  4. Putonghua (“common language”) is the term used in China to designate Mandarin. Beijinghua (Beijing language) refers to the dialect at the basis of standard Mandarin.

  5. Created in 1946 as an organ of Mandarin diffusion, the Taiwan Province National Language (i.e. Mandarin) Promotion Committee became the National Languages Committee in the early 2000 s, with the new mandate of revitalizing all of Taiwan’s languages.

  6. While the Taiwanese generally refer to the language as Taigi (台語 Taiwanese) or Holo-oe, the latter term has no written equivalent in Chinese characters. Because of the complexity involved in selecting a standard version, drafters of the LEL simply opted for a mix of romanization and Chinese characters: Holo 話.

  7. While the government’s English translation of the law renders gongshi yuyan as “official language”, the English version is non-binding in Taiwan. Needless to say, the meaning of gongshi yuyan is actually quite different from official language.

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Acknowledgments

The author would like to thank the Institute of Sociology at Academia Sinica, the Department of Politics and Public Administration at the University of Hong Kong and the Chair of Taiwan Studies at the University of Ottawa for their research and financial support. The views, analyses and interpretations in this paper are the author’s own and do not represent those of the institutions where the research was conducted.

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Correspondence to Jean-François Dupré.

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Dupré, JF. Legislating language in Taiwan: from equality to development to status quo. Lang Policy 15, 415–432 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10993-015-9376-9

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