Abstract
The paper argues that there are certain parallels between the ideas of ordoliberalism and the framework of limited and open access order (LAO/OAO) as developed by North, Wallis, Webb and Weingast (NWWW): Both approaches focus on the “interdependence of orders”, and both share an emphasis on state capacity in processes of social transition. I also argue that the ideas of the ordoliberals might give impulses for the further development of the LAO/OAO research agenda. Firstly, whereas NWWW mainly deal with the transition process from LAO to OAO, the members of the Freiburg school intensely dealt with the danger that an OAO might revert into an LAO. Accordingly, they spent much effort on developing policy proposals that aimed at preventing such a ‘re-feudalisation’ (Franz Böhm) of society. Secondly, especially when it came to the issue of accomplishing reforms, they also considered the role of informal institutions and beliefs, a topic somewhat neglected in the LAO/OAO-framework in its present form.
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Notes
‘Natural order’ is here used synonymously with ‘limited access order’.
More precisely, between 1807 and 1830. For an alternative interpretation, see the contribution of Gerhard Wegner.
See the contribution of Alfred Reckendrees in this special issue.
Eucken’s article does not contain a clear definition of the term ‘economic state’, but it is clear from the context that to him the ‘liberal state of the nineteenth century’ is characterized by (a) the clear separation of polity and economy and (b) by private entrepreneurship (c) high degree of competition whereas the Wirtschaftsstaat is marked (a) by a far-reaching conflation of polity and economy and (b) by far-reaching state interference into entrepreneurial decision-making (c) a high degree of cartelization and monopolization.
This distinction can also be found in the writings of Wilhelm Röpke, one of the most important German contemporary neo-liberal thinkers, who was closely related to, but did not belong to the Freiburg School.
More precisely, the second generation of the Chicago school. As Ekkehard Köhler and Stefan Kolev (2011) have shown, there are interesting parallels between ‘old’ Chicago and the Freiburg school.
There obviously is a strong parallel between the ordoliberals’ considerations on mature OAOs and their possible decline and Mancur Olson’s warning against increasing rent-seeking in stable, developed societies as outlined in “The Rise and Decline of Nations” (Olson 1982).
On the influence of the historical school on ordoliberalism, see e.g. Peukert (2000).
That is, the interplay between the economy and all other spheres of society, including the Zeitgeist.
This is even more obvious if one also looks at the works of Wilhelm Röpke and Alexander Rüstow.
In his 2005 book North noted that ‘the cultural heritage [of a society, J.Z.] will, in many instances, determine success or lack of success of the actors’ (18). For a critique of North’s account of the influence of culture on institutional change as developed in his 2005 book, see Khalil 2006 and Zweynert 2009. However, it should not go without notice that in his 2005 book North himself mentioned the decisive point that cultural heritages might be ‘”malleable” via deliberate modification’ (North 2005, 156). This is exactly the point highlighted by Böhm, Erhard, and Müller-Armack, as we will see in the conclusion.
Keynesian ideas had gained a lot of credit by their ability to explain the collective trauma of the Great Depression and to have offered convincing policy advice. And it certainly did not promote the standing of the Freiburg school that Eucken ([1940] 1992, 244) had in his theoretical main work of 1940 still explicitly denied the scientific value of business cycle theory due to the individual features of each concrete cycle.
However, in the second half of the nineteenthcentury, historical economics and similar approaches existed in many European countries (see e.g. Grimmer-Solem and Romani 1999). What was special about Germany was only the dominance of historicist economics.
See also Zweynert (2006, 470).
After the failed attempt to kill Hitler on 20th of July 1944 parts of the memorandum fell into the hands of the Gestapo which led to the temporary imprisonment of, among others, Dietze, Eucken, and Lampe. Lampe later died of the health problems that were caused by the imprisonment (see Goldschmidt 2002, 128).
Müller-Armack was a student of the economic sociologist Leopold von Wiese and in the 1930s and 1940s had been a representative of Wirtschaftsstilforschung, a variation of neo-historicist thought, see e.g. Müller-Armack (1941).
The issue of currency reform had had a top priority in the discussions of the Arbeitsgemeinschaft Erwin von Beckerath, and the title of a paper written by Adolf Lampe for the Gouvernement Militaire de Bade in early 1946 “Währungsordnung = Wirtschaftsordnung” (in Blumenberg-Lampe 1986, 507–534) shows how tightly these two issues were connected in their view.
For a critique of Eucken’s narrow data chain which I basically agree to, see Goldschmidt 2002, 69–70.
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Acknowledgments
I would like to thank the Reinhold-Maier-Foundation (2013) and the Fritz-Thyssen-Foundation (2014) for their generous funding of the two workshops this paper and the other papers in this special issue result from. I would also like to express my gratitude to the discussants of my paper and an anonymous referee for their very helpful comments. I am especially indebted to Nils Goldschmidt (University of Siegen), who has drawn my attention to Franz Böhm’s warnings against “re-feudalisation”.