Abstract
Our chapter offers a systematic review of research on ethnic inequalities in education in Israel from 1980 (and when relevant the decades before -‘60s, ‘70s) to 2015. In particular, it focuses on studies that investigate gaps between ethnic groups in terms of dropout rates, years of schooling, educational certificates (mainly high school – Bagrut) and academic achievement; quantitative outcomes that reflect how educational inequalities are conceptualized in Israeli research. Studies in this broad area shifted their attention over time: from comparing Jews of European-American descent (EA – Ashkenazim) with Jews from Afro-Asian descent (AA – Mizrachim) in the 50s-70s, to Russian and Ethiopian Jews with the “old-timers” Jewish majority and between the Jewish majority and the Arab minority from the 90s onwards. Research on the Jewish- Arab educational inequality was “postponed” until the ‘90s due to several reasons related to the specific position of this minority in the Israeli society as explained in the introductory chapter. However, their structural separation enabled the investigation of inequality in resource allocation and not only in educational outcomes. Research in this area relies usually on quantitative research methods and a positivistic approach to social sciences. A broad range of factors and processes are related to these gaps in ‘achievement’, such as: social class differences, differences in quality of neighborhoods and schools (and related resources or forms of ‘social’ and ‘cultural’ capital), ethnic and social composition of the school, ability grouping (tracking), duration of stay in Israel / generation, whether people have mixed ethnic backgrounds or not, discrimination in the allocation of financial and other resources, as well as disregard of the difficulties of ethnic cultural and lingual minorities.
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Notes
- 1.
For a detailed description of waves of Jewish immigration, 1948–1996, see DellaPergola 1998.
- 2.
These calls are accompanied by demands that the existing and especially past educational and political leadership acknowledge past wrongs, whether intentional or unintentional.
- 3.
In Israeli slang, these groups are defined as distinct social categories: “Russians” and “Ethiopians.”
- 4.
In the analysis of national-ethnic gaps, Jewish and Arab students are compared as a whole.
- 5.
Parents are requested to supplement some parts of the school budget.
- 6.
The Jewish religious sector is “richer” in terms of financial allocation. The rate of students of Asian-African origin (on this ethnic group, see more below) is higher in this sector. There is also a greater tendency to use selective structures in this sector, like ability groups and separate classrooms by ability (Chen 1975; Resh 1989).
- 7.
The ultra-Othodox system is a relatively new and growing sector, partially financed by the MoE, but quite independent in organizational, pedagogical and curricular matters. It is mostly closed to academic investigation.
- 8.
Unless stated differently CBS + reference year relates to the annual Statistical Abstract of Israel.
- 9.
The age category of 25–34 is used due to universal army service (3 years for boys and 2 for girls) that postpones entry into higher education institutes.
- 10.
Average fertility rates of non-religious Jews were 2.3 children per household in the 1980s and dropped to about 2.1 in recent years. Among ultra-Orthodox Jews, the number is 6.5–7.0 with little change over time. Among the Arabs, it was 6.0 in the 1980s and is down to about 3.6 in recent years (Atrash 2011).
- 11.
The Nurture Index was constantly criticized and over time was revised and reconstructed more than once (Cahan 1987, 2009; Yair 1991; Blass 1980; Blass et al. 2010). Only in the 1990s was the Arab sector considered entitled to affirmative action resources and it was not until 2003 that ultra-Orthodox students were also included.
- 12.
This criticism quite often does not pay tribute to the critical role of these schools in raising high school participation rates.
- 13.
It is interesting to note the effect of the changing “public climate” on Supreme Court decisions regarding parents’ appeals about their right to have a voice in their children’s education (in choosing their schools). While in the 1970s such appeals were rejected on the grounds of “public good,” in the 1990s the court’s decisions emphasized the need to honor parents’ desires regarding their child’s placement in a certain school (“private interest”) (Goldstein 1995).
- 14.
Hence, many publications are in Hebrew.
- 15.
Much of this research was carried out as evaluations of real interventions. A group of psychologists headed by Prof. Yehuda Amir founded (with the support of the MoE) the Institute for Integration that was dedicated to structure, implement and evaluate outcomes of methods for teaching heterogeneous classes. Those studies were carried out solely within the Jewish sector.
- 16.
Relevant journals in Hebrew are Megamot (Trends), Iyunim Be’Chinuch (Studies in Education), Teoria ve’Bikoret (Theory and Criticism), Sociologia Israelit (Israeli Sociology) and an English language publication, The Israeli Social Research Journal, which closed in 1997.
- 17.
We shall not elaborate on this research, which is beyond the scope of this chapter.
- 18.
While U.S. academic lingo distinguishes between “desegregation” – the moving of students from separated to heterogeneous compositions – and “integration” – the expected social outcomes, in Israel the term “integration” is used for both. We thus follow this custom and use “integration” throughout this section.
- 19.
Today, about 25% of the Jewish schools are still operating in the 8+4 grade structure (see Fig. 16.1 above).
- 20.
Only studies with national or regional samples that were published in reviewed journals or books are mentioned. For a comprehensive summary of these studies, see Resh and Dar 2012.
- 21.
In this domain of inquiry, Israeli academics followed American academics (e.g., Robert Slavin, Elizabeth Cohen) and even cooperated with their investigations.
- 22.
Activity-oriented instruction is an alternative pedagogical method to classic frontal teaching, whereby learning is carried out in groups in which students are active, are allowed to choose topics of study and are called upon to cooperate in the learning process.
- 23.
Using an HLM statistical method, Borman and Dowling (2010) strengthened Colman et al.’s findings about school compositional effect. However, they did not analyze the differential effect of student composition for black (“weak”) and white (“strong”) students.
- 24.
The contact hypothesis and theoretical variations of it, was studied extensively in the domain of interpersonal attitudes and relations. Dealing with the topic was especially popular in the desegregation era in the U.S. Here we shall only bring some examples of studies in Israeli schools.
- 25.
Sociological research on ability grouping and curriculum tracking is abundant and beyond the scope of this chapter. Hence, below, we only present a short introductory paragraph that contextualizes the practices in the framework of ethnic gaps.
- 26.
Towns in the periphery, established by the state mainly in the 1950s, were relatively small, with mostly lower SES compositions, over-representation of AA population (then new immigrants) and, until the 1968 reform, usually did not have high schools. Middle schools that were established in the 1970s were defined as “growing comprehensive high schools.” The high school grades had fewer academic classes and a greater proportion of students (mostly AA) in vocational classes.
- 27.
Such data came either from longitudinal studies or from retrospective models that merged census data (mainly 1983 and 1995 national censuses) with individual student’s data of earlier years, when ethnic origin was available.
- 28.
“Age group” includes ultra-Orthodox youngsters and east Jerusalem Palestinians who, for various reasons, do not take the exams.
- 29.
The correlation between SES and ethnicity indicates an ethnic gap (of an unknown magnitude) whenever findings refer to gaps by SES.
- 30.
The Jewish–Arab distinction does appear in the questionnaire, and findings regarding this gap will be presented later.
- 31.
In addition, newspapers in Russian, classical music groups and a Russian theater were established and became an integral part of the Israeli cultural scene. It should be noted that, unlike the attitude in the initial decades of the Israeli state, in the 1990s there was greater acceptance of the tendency to retain the language and cultural tradition of the origin country.
- 32.
Levin et al. (2003) calculated that gaps in mathematics disappear after nine years in Israel.
- 33.
The Falashmura are Ethiopian Jews who converted to Christianity generations earlier, but kept their affiliation to a Jewish identity, especially through family ties.
- 34.
Their rabbis (Kase) were not allowed to practice, and many of the immigrants were forced to undergo a process of conversion to legitimize their Jewishness.
- 35.
Various intervention projects were initiated in an attempt to meet the specific needs of Ethiopian students, to advance them educationally or to improve their teachers’ skills. These projects were followed by evaluation studies. However, such evaluations usually do not add information on gaps and, so, as already noted, are not included in this review.
- 36.
Similar differences appear in terms of occupation and labor market participation.
- 37.
Our discussion deals exclusively with fiscal budgetary resources. The review disregards resources which are not strictly monetary – for example, the classroom’s socioeconomic composition, the “cultural capital” in students’ homes, society’s attitude toward issues of inequality – though they are perhaps no less important.
- 38.
Appeared in English in 1997 see bibliography
- 39.
According to the Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS various years), Arab students comprised 10% of Israeli first graders in 1960, 20% in 1980, 22% in 2000, and 29% in 2014.
- 40.
Education is free, but parents are supposed to pay a yearly sum to finance various extra-curricular activities or school improvement targets.
- 41.
In describing the achievement gaps between Jewish and Arab students, Mar’i claimed that the situation of Arab students in Israel was no better than that of Palestinian students in the West Bank.
- 42.
Selected bibliography, published recently by the Arab Center for Law and Policy, testifies to this fact (Mustafa and Jabareen 2013).
- 43.
The most commonly known are Adva, Sikui, the Van Leer Institute and the Jerusalem Institute for Israeli Studies. Each publishes periodic reports describing existing gaps in various areas of life in Israel, monitoring change over time and suggesting ways for improvement.
- 44.
The gaps reported throughout this section relate to both Jews and Arabs as a whole. Especially in relation to the Arab sector, large differences exist between subgroups. Christian Arabs are the most advanced, and their achievement is mainly equivalent to that of the Jewish EA group. The Druze sector has vastly improved in recent decades, to the degree that they have caught up with Jews in high school achievement and Bagrut eligibility. The Bedouins are the poorest, most deprived group, and their achievements are far below those of the Jews and their Arab peers alike. Muslim Arabs are the vast majority, thereby affecting group means the most.
- 45.
While gender is beyond the scope of this chapter, the table gives a glimpse of the dramatic change in Arab girls’ educational participation.
- 46.
Periodically, due to mass immigration, this picture changes somewhat. For example, in the first decade of immigration from the former Soviet Union (mostly EA), the lower SES percentiles were more heterogeneous (AA and EA).
- 47.
The NELS: 88 – National Education Longitudinal Study – is one example where data was collected in a national sample among 8th grade students (the base year) and following them in 1990,1992,1994, 2000 already post-schooling into adult life. Karl Alexander and Doris Entwisle are an exception as individual investigators who followed a sample of students from first grade on until adulthood and came out with considerable introspections on causes and consequences in the process of schooling (e.g., Entwisle et al. 2005).
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Resh, N., Blass, N. (2019). Israel: Gaps in Educational Outcomes in a Changing Multi-Ethnic Society. In: Stevens, P.A.J., Dworkin, A.G. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook of Race and Ethnic Inequalities in Education. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-94724-2_16
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