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The Evolution of Problem-Solving Courts in Australia and New Zealand: A Trans-Tasman Comparative Perspective

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Problem Solving Courts

Abstract

This chapter provides an overview of problem-solving courts currently in operation in Australia and New Zealand. We explore how the evolution of the problem-solving courts has been shaped by the localized needs of the justice, health, and social service sectors and the dynamic academic, legal, and professional cultures of these countries. The recognition that many people coming before court do not have a single problem that can be identified as the sole cause of offending is highlighted and we illustrate that this has led some Australian states, and New Zealand, to develop integrated programs that address multiple and complex problems more holistically. We argue that a key issue integral to the longevity of problem-solving courts is the ability of the legal, health, and social services sectors to better address issues of coexisting mental health and addiction problems, develop integrated services, and achieve effective collaboration between the various sectors. Collaboration is a multifaceted concept that is integral to the successful operation of problem-solving courts but may be hard to achieve because of the complexities of the wider health and social service systems. We argue that collaboration is a concept that has not yet adequately been explored in the literature or in the practice of these courts. However, we suggest ways in which problem-solving courts can bring about meaningful and effective interdisciplinary collaboration between the legal, health, and welfare sectors beyond paying lip service to the concept.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The Law Reform Commission of Western Australia (2008, 2009) has used the term “court intervention programs,” whereas Payne (2005) preferred the use of the term “specialty courts.”

  2. 2.

    Australian problem-solving courts have been comprehensively reviewed elsewhere (Freiberg 2001, 2005; King et al. 2009; Law Reform Commission of Western Australia 2008, 2009; Payne 2005; Richardson and McSherry 2010).

  3. 3.

    Although King’s comments pertained to drug courts, this is true generally of other types of problem-solving courts, however, the broader drug diversion system has become more structured in Australia over recent years as a result of national campaigns to target illicit drug use such as the National Illicit Drugs Strategy and the Illicit Drug Diversion Initiative (Hughes and Ritter 2008; Law Reform Commission of Western Australia 2008).

  4. 4.

    King and Auty (2005) have noted that Magistrates’ Courts have not traditionally been the site of innovation. The pressure of onerous lists, multiple jurisdictions, and circuit requirements meant that magistrates had little time to consider different ways of administering justice, but it is these same pressures that have driven the push towards problem-solving courts. Freiberg (2001) has also discussed the factors behind the adoption of problem-solving courts in Australia in more detail.

  5. 5.

    As Nolan (2009) highlighted, this is not the case in England, Scotland, and Ireland, where therapeutic jurisprudence has not generally been embraced.

  6. 6.

    Studies of Australian drug courts have generally used experimental or quasiexperimental design: for an overview of Australian drug court evaluations see Indermaur and Roberts (2003) and Jones (2011).

  7. 7.

    These courts can be contrasted to the Queensland Mental Health Court, which sits in the Supreme Court of Queensland and primarily determines legal issues of fitness to plead and criminal responsibility. For a more comprehensive overview of Australian mental health courts see Richardson and McSherry (2010).

  8. 8.

    Other states considering establishing mental health courts include New South Wales, where a symposium was held by the Law Reform Commission of New South Wales on 1 April 2011 to consider “Should NSW have a Mental Health Court?” See, http://sydney.edu.au/news/law/457.html?eventcategoryid=35&eventid=7386 and http://www.abc.net.au/rn/allinthemind/stories/2011/3189078.htm. Retrieved 15 June 2011. The Law Reform Commission of New South Wales subsequently made recommendations that a mental health court be established in that state: New South Wales Law Reform Commission (2012).

  9. 9.

    A Community Court in Northern Territory also exists, however, this is a indigenous sentencing court. See below for further discussion of these types of courts.

  10. 10.

    Restorative justice has been described as “the restoration of victims, offenders and communities primarily through mediated encounters between victims and offenders—and in some cases their supporters—where they discuss what happened, in relation to harmful behavior, and why it happened, and determine what offenders will do to make amends” (King et al. 2009, p. 39).

  11. 11.

    More information on the Neighbourhood Justice Centre can be found at http://www.neighbourhoodjustice.vic.gov.au/site/page.cfm.

  12. 12.

    Examples of holistic approaches to dealing with an individual with multiple problems can be found in Michael King’s Solution-Focused Judging Bench Book (2009) at p. 40–41. King (2009) states that “problem-solving programs that take this approach seek to provide assistance to participants where needed and appropriate in major life domains, such as health (addressing substance abuse and other problems), employment and training, accommodation, financial planning, other life skills, recreation and relationships” (p. 40–41).

  13. 13.

    Family group conferences are used both as a precharge mechanism to determine whether prosecution can be avoided and also to determine how to process cases admitted or proved in the youth court (Ministry of Justice 2011). Family group conferences involve the young offender, the victim, and their families with the aim to reach a group consensus on a “just” outcome (Ministry of Justice 2011). The conferences results in a family group conference plan, which includes methods of addressing the victim’s needs and concerns, accountability issues, the young person’s treatment plan, and other relevant issues such as education and cultural reports (Court in the Act 2008, October).

  14. 14.

    Indigenous sentencing courts have emerged as a result of the over-representation of indigenous offenders in the criminal justice system and a recognition that there is a more appropriate way of delivering justice to indigenous offenders such as the use of more informal and flexible processes (King et al. 2009). A key feature of Indigenous sentencing courts is that the magistrate is usually “assisted or advised by one or more respected persons from the offender’s community” (King et al. 2009).

  15. 15.

    Nolan (2009) uses the term “legal accents” to denote that, just as countries have different accents in terms of language and speech, so too do countries have different legal accents as a result of the particular legal culture reflected in the different ways in which these countries have developed problem-solving courts.

  16. 16.

    Regardless, questions over whether a national model for domestic violence courts should be implemented (Mansfield 2008) at the expense of localized need (Ministry of Justice 2008) remain.

  17. 17.

    Although Richardson and McSherry (2010) were commenting on the need for adequate resources in mental health courts, these comments apply equally to other problem-solving courts.

  18. 18.

    There has been considerable attention focused on this issue at a National and State level in Australia, New Zealand, the USA, and the UK to the extent that there are now numerous government initiatives, policy documents, and guides to best practice regarding coexisting mental health and addiction problems.

  19. 19.

    One significant initiative that has now ceased operation, and although not targeting criminal offenders, was the Multiple and Complex Needs Panel (the Panel) a statutory body that operated as part of the Multiple and Complex Needs Initiative (MACNI) in Victoria from 2004–2009. Although the Panel was not a problem-solving court and operated in the civil justice system, it sought to improve service provision to those people with multiple needs, who often became involved with the criminal justice system (Hamilton 2010). MACNI involved work at many levels in order to gain the cooperation of the different service sectors (Hamilton 2010, p. 316). The Panel ceased operation in 2009 due to legislative changes to the MACNI, which saw many of the functions of the Panel devolved to Department of Human Service regions. However, the model continues to influence policy as there is much to be learned from the experiences of this program. It is described in detail at http://www.dhs.vic.gov.au/operations/multiple-and-complex-needs-unit/how-macni-was-developed. Retrieved 10 July 2011.

  20. 20.

    The evaluation of outcomes from CISP by Ross (2009) “involved comparing the post-court records of 200 persons who had completed CISP in 2007 with a sample of 200 persons sentenced in other Magistrates’ Court venues in the same period” (p. 111).

  21. 21.

    In Australia, the Victorian Government is currently exploring the mainstreaming of problem-solving and therapeutic approaches through the Integrating Court Programs (ICP) project. See http://www.courts.vic.gov.au/Integrating-Court-Programs. Retrieved 15 July 2011. The project website states “The challenge at the heart of the Integrating Court Programs (ICP) project is to take the lessons learned from Victoria’s local court initiatives—both the well-publicized and the little-known—and consider how they can be applied across the court system, beginning with the Magistrates’ Court. The overall aim is to develop a more holistic response to court users that embeds the successful processes and outcomes of problem-oriented approaches to justice within the day-to-day business of the courts.”

  22. 22.

    Conversely, in the evaluations conducted of the Christchurch Youth Drug Court, Carswell (2004) found amongst other outcomes, that interagency co-ordination was working well. However, a later study found that the Youth Drug Court was not reducing reoffending (Searle and Spiers 2006). Although it is not possible to say why that was, and numerous factors were undoubtedly involved, successful interagency coordination was not seemingly having a significant impact on reoffending in this court.

  23. 23.

    This arrangement is uncommon in Australia and reflects the way in which this program was established using only the existing resources available to the Court with no additional funding or resources available to commence the pilot. Thus, the existing forensic mental health liaison workers who, prior to the commencement of the Mental Health Diversion List, provided forensic mental health assessments to the Magistrates Court of Tasmania agreed to become involved in the new List as part of their current work with the Court. The provision of these services continues to be provided by the Department of Health even though the List has become an established program in the Magistrates Court.

  24. 24.

    These groups may also play a role in selecting service providers and which treatment and services will be utilized by the problem-solving court program. In Australia, the way in which service providers for problem-solving courts are selected and paid for differs in each jurisdiction. Generally, most problem-solving courts only have access to the treatment and service providers available in the community. Many grassroots programs, such as the Tasmanian Mental Health Diversion List start with no additional funds to purchase services. However, in some states interdepartmental agreements between government departments to make services available for these programs are used. Programs which have been established as government funded pilots may have brokerage funds available to purchase designated funds for purchasing services or goods to address a participant’s specific needs and to assist in his or her engagement with the program (Trimboli 2012, 22; see Tasmania Law Reform Institute 2006).

  25. 25.

    Nor do we have any indication of the reciprocal impact that problem-solving courts are having on health and social services, for example, are these courts stretching services in the community and resulting in rationing of services for other users who are not accessing these services through the criminal justice system.

  26. 26.

    Housing NSW is an agency of the NSW Department of Family and Community Services responsible for social housing in that state.

  27. 27.

    The debate regarding whether to underpin problem-solving courts with legislation is not a straightforward one, however, and requires future consideration as to the advantages and disadvantages of such an approach.

  28. 28.

    Wenzel et al. (2004) conducted a study of collaboration practices in 14 drug courts in the USA and examined the following factors: “(1) The extent to which drug courts and providers accommodate each other’s practice standards; (2) the availability and extent of case management services; (3) cross training of staff; (4) documentation of relationships (e.g., written agreements); (5) resource sharing; (6) joint assessment of clients; (7) joint planning of client service goals; (8) client referrals; (9) mutual sensitivity to concerns of the other agency or program; (10) sharing of information about clients; and (11) staff meetings” (Wenzel et al. 2004, p. 256).

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Acknowledgments

The authors thank Bernadette McSherry and Arie Freiberg for comments on earlier drafts of this chapter.

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Correspondence to Elizabeth Richardson .

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Richardson, E., Thom, K., McKenna, B. (2013). The Evolution of Problem-Solving Courts in Australia and New Zealand: A Trans-Tasman Comparative Perspective. In: Wiener, R., Brank, E. (eds) Problem Solving Courts. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-7403-6_11

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