Abstract
According to Margaret Gilbert’s collective epistemology, we should take attributions of beliefs to groups seriously, rather than metaphorically or as reducible to individual belief. I argue that, similarly, attributions of belief to markets ought to be taken seriously and not merely as reports of the average beliefs of market participants. While many of Gilbert’s purported examples of group belief are better thought of as instances of acceptance, some collectives, such as courts and markets, genuinely believe. Such collectives enact truth-aimed processes that are beyond the control of any single individual. These processes produce beliefs that are distinct from any individual belief and do not merely report the “average” or “majority” view of the group. In the case of markets, beliefs are indicated by prices, though it is often difficult to infer beliefs from prices and those inferences are almost always uncertain. Reliabilism is the best available standard of justification for market beliefs. In some cases market beliefs are reliable and prove to be true. Thus, in some cases markets can know.
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Notes
I first learned of this example from Surowiecki (2005).
Gilbert and those following her follow the convention of using imagined, though plausible, ascriptions of collective belief to inform their arguments. Because statements ascribing beliefs to markets are less ubiquitous than those ascribing beliefs to other collectives, throughout this paper I will be appealing to concrete examples. I believe the danger of appealing to examples that may eventually feel outdated is more than compensated for by the benefit of being able to examine language as it is actually used.
I am aware of one other attempt to interpret statements of market belief as collective belief: Orléan (2004). However, Orléan is an economist and his account of collective belief is unconnected to any discussions in collective epistemology. Remarkably, he seems to have independently arrived at a summative /non-summative distinction just as Gilbert did, but has defined it in an entirely different way. He defines a collective belief to be “what the majority of the group thinks the collective belief is.”
Tuomela (2000), for instance, distinguishes between pragmatic acceptance (accepting a proposition because it is useful to do so) and “acceptance as true,” which is accepting for purely epistemic reasons. Meijers (2003) distinguishes between acceptance “for the sake of argument” and committal acceptance that has the binding nature of Gilbert’s group belief.
However, Pettit’s view of group belief does not fall neatly into either the believer or rejectionist position. He classifies courts and similar groups as “intentional subjects,” but claims that such a group “is incapable of forming degrees of belief and desire in the ordinary fashion of animal subjects” (Pettit 2011, p. 256).
There is a third type of order, the “stop order,” where a trader can place an order to sell or buy only when the market price reaches a certain point. It is unimportant for the present discussion.
Purchasing a security on the stock market entitles the purchaser to an income stream proportionate to the underlying company’s profits. Expected returns are the expected magnitude of that income stream. Risk measures the variability of that income stream. The CAPM assumes investors are “risk averse”: they require extra compensation for assuming increased risk.
Economists generally agree that the CAPM is not an accurate model of stock market prices; factors beyond risk and expected returns, such as firm size, price-earnings ratios, and levels of debt all appear to have a significant influence on market prices (Fama and French 2004, p. 50). Further, past volatility might not be a good indicator of present risk. Nevertheless, the CAPM offers a good first approximation for connecting market prices to underlying beliefs.
Thank you to an anonymous reviewer for pointing me to Dennett’s discussion of belief attribution.
Fama (1970) defines an efficient market differently: “a market in which prices always “fully reflect” available information” (p. 383). This subsequent definition is the one that Fama and most others have adopted. However, it is easier to see the connection to belief in the 1965 version and they share the same essential view of markets.
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Acknowledgements
I am grateful to Michelle Hoffman for feedback on and editing of several versions of this paper, and to Joseph Berkovitz and Ori Werdiger for their constructive comments. Thank you to Mark Peacock, Marion Blute, Torsten Wilholt, and James Robert Brown for input on an earlier version of this work. Finally, I am very grateful for the excellent suggestions and critiques from two anonymous referees.
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Thicke, M. Market epistemology. Synthese 195, 5571–5594 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11229-017-1464-2
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11229-017-1464-2