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Defending the liberal-content view of perceptual experience: direct social perception of emotions and person impressions

  • S.I.: Future of Social Cognition
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Abstract

The debate about direct perception encompasses different topics, one of which concerns the richness of the contents of perceptual experiences. Can we directly perceive only low-level properties, like edges, colors etc. (the sparse-content view), or can we perceive high-level properties and entities as well (the liberal-content view)? The aim of the paper is to defend the claim that the content of our perceptual experience can include emotions and also person impressions. Using these examples, an argument is developed to defend a liberal-content view for core examples of social cognition. This view is developed and contrasted with accounts which claim that in the case of registering another person’s emotion while seeing them, we have to describe the relevant content not as the content of a perceptual experience, but of a perceptual belief. The paper defends the view that perceptual experiences can have a rich content yet remain separable from beliefs formed on the basis of the experience. How liberal and enriched the content of a perceptual experience is will depend upon the expertise a person has developed in the field. This is supported by the argument that perceptual experiences can be systematically enriched by perceiving affordances of objects, by pattern recognition or by top-down processes, as analyzed by processes of cognitive penetration or predictive coding.

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Notes

  1. My account of the higher-level abstractness of beliefs does not imply that I think of beliefs as combinations of abstract symbols in a language of thought, like Fodor (1975), but it remains consistent with beliefs being anchored in perception (for detailed view on concepts, see Newen and Marchi 2016).

  2. Exceptions are variations which are accounted for by phenomena like change-blindness or inattentional blindness (Noë 2004). More important is the role of imagination, which shares all the other features of perceptual experiences but lacks the co-variation with an actual stimulus.

  3. One might worry whether the motor activations in the brain are a constitutive part of the perceptual process or only a causal consequence of it. A conclusive account of this distinction is not possible here. But it is sufficient to highlight that in a context of registering an affordance of an apple, such as being edible, this registration is strongly intertwined with the act of perceiving the apple and that this act of registering the affordance can happen even for agents who are not able to form language-based beliefs.

  4. See Toribio (2015) for a position combining impenetrability with a liberal-content account. But in her proposal it is not clear enough how the enrichment can be realized, especially since the enrichment has to be realized by a nonpenetrable module. Even in token cases without cognitive penetration, I allow for a weak modularity view.

  5. To strengthen the argument for the liberal-content view, I highlight one case study supporting the cognitive penetration of perceptual experience by conceptual knowledge: Winawer et al. (2007) demonstrated the influence of basic color concepts on perception. They presented Russian and English speakers with color swatches of different shades of blue. The experiment is based on different ways of categorizing shades of “blue” in both languages: Russians lexicalize the category blue with two basic level terms: “siniy”’ for darker blues and “goluboy” for lighter blues, while the English have just one basic-level term “blue.” The students were asked to decide as quickly as possible whether a top color exactly matched a color on its left or on its right. While all shades of colors were in the category “blue” for the English, the colors were part of the two different basic categories of blue for the Russian speakers. Since we expect to perceive the difference between different color categories more intensely than within-category differences, we should expect that the Russian speakers have quicker reaction times on between-category trials than within-category trials, while the English speakers should show no such effect. And this is exactly what was observed. Further evidence of a top-down influence of linguistic labels or categories on perception is reviewed by Lupyan (2012).

  6. The phrase “observing typical features constituting the emotion in this situation” is meant to be a neutral description of the fact that emotion recognition is based on a perceptual process of registering a person, her face, her body posture etc., but leaving open whether the content of this perceptual process is rich or sparse because this is what the argument is aiming for.

  7. Neural correlates may be used in a clinical or scientific context to infer whether a person is experiencing emotions, but are not used in ordinary contexts since we cannot access them in ordinary interactions.

  8. This idea is also used by v. Savigny (1988) to develop an interpretation of the later Wittgenstein.

  9. This argument for cognitive penetration in emotion recognition was first discussed in joint work by Marchi and Newen (2015).

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Newen, A. Defending the liberal-content view of perceptual experience: direct social perception of emotions and person impressions. Synthese 194, 761–785 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11229-016-1030-3

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