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Protest Patterns in Provincial Russia: a Paired Comparison of Company Towns

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Abstract

Following the Soviet Union’s collapse, Russia implemented reforms aimed at transitioning to a market economy and devolving power to regional and municipal levels of government. Although it is well known that these reforms created significant uncertainty, economic crises, and protest, most existing studies do not explore the considerable variation in protest patterns across localities. This article asks why, despite similar pressures, some cities have experienced protests that are consistently larger and more intense than others. Focusing on the context of the many company towns that emerged during Soviet industrialization, I construct a paired comparison of two average-sized company towns using process tracing through interviews and archival documents. This article also employs an original protest database created through newspaper analysis that tracks not only the instances of protest but also protest size, demands, and targets. What emerges are two pathways that explain the divergent protest structures in the two company towns studied. In Cherepovets, a city that is less dependent on the central state, local elites pursued strategies of co-optation and suppression, limiting the opportunity structure for contentious politics to small-scale, local protests. In Komsomolsk-na-Amure, a city where the primary industry is in decline and dependent on support from the center, local elites converged with opposition groups to improve their bargaining position vis-à-vis the central government; this produced protests that were larger and more extreme and targeted the system as a whole.

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Notes

  1. The bottom pathway, where the primary industry is not in decline is not observed in either case. It is included here as the logical extension of the pathways identified in this study, where there are fewer economic grievances, thus leaving protest to be smaller and more focused on local political and social issues. The dotted line indicates the possibility of other factors that could also lead to co-optation as well as the fact that I do not present a case that addresses this hypothesized pathway. I am indebted to an anonymous reviewer for pointing this out.

  2. Some examples of participatory protests include demanding that the local budget pay to build schools and pay debts. There are 17 anti-system demands coded: President Yeltsin resign or be impeached, Russian government resign, head of administration resign, change the political-economic course of the government, change in enterprise management, City Duma resign, against economic reforms, revival of the USSR, changes to the Russian Constitution, against the socioeconomic course of the government, against political course of Russia, stop sending tax money to Moscow, against privatization, union independence from plant management, against consolidating KnAAPO into unified Aviation Company, and the resignation of the Education Minister and Vice Prime Minister.

  3. Rech’ in Cherepovets and Dal’nevostochnyi Komsomol’sk (DVK) in Komsomolsk-na-Amure. Cherepovets is missing December 1994, June, July, and October 1997, and August 1999 due to misplaced copies of Rech’ in the local library. I use and expand upon Robertson’s (2011) coding scheme found in Appendix 1 of his book with added codes for written forms of protest (collective open letters and petitions), specific demands, and types of participants when there was no existing code.

  4. According to the 1989 Census, Cherepovets’ population was 310,463 and grew slightly to 311,869 by the 2002 Census. In contrast, Komsomolsk’s population in 1989 was 315,325 and dropped to 281,035 by 2002. While this suggests an exodus of residents from Komsomolsk, the size of the two cities remains comparable.

  5. Though some in Cherepovets commented that Cherepovets’ relationship with Vologda Oblast’s Governor N.M. Podgornov (1991–1996) was slightly strained over concerns of unfair tax allocations, Cherepovets’ Mayor Pozgalev was appointed (and later elected) to the position, where he tirelessly advanced Cherepovets’ and Severstal’s interests (City Duma Deputy 2010).

  6. Cherepovets averaged 2.09 protests per month to Komsomolsk’s 1.35.

  7. There is significant missing data with regard to numbers of participants. Participation numbers were coded using the numbers reported in the local newspapers or counting participants in photographs.

  8. For an excellent analysis on how privatization and transition policies led to the creation of political machines in Russia’s regions and the role of economic concentration in the process, see Hale (2003).

  9. These “free” trade unions were the prominent alternative to the Soviet successor unions.

  10. However, there were more extreme strains to their protests such as statements against Jews, new Russians, and American imperialism in Russia.

  11. See Javeline (2003) for an excellent treatment on the use of blame to mobilize protesters.

  12. The accuracy of the reports used to create Fig. 5 is not key to this project; what is important is that these figures formed the basis of local perceptions of the economy. Because these reports were a regular feature in the local newspapers, they are likely to have played a major role in forming the public’s opinion on economic conditions.

  13. This dynamic is also captured in Robertson’s (2011) analysis of the behavior of regional governors.

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Acknowledgments

An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Annual Convention of the Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies, November 2012. I am grateful for all comments received, particularly those from Jeffrey Kahn, Rudra Sil, Tulia Falleti, Teresa Wright, Alex Weisiger, Thea Riofrancos, Basak Taraktas, Rosella Cappella, Barbara Elias, and Meredith Wooten. I am indebted to Cherepovets State University and the Amur State University of Humanities and Pedagogy for hosting me and assisting my data collection.

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  1. Department of Social Sciences, Western New Mexico University, 1000 West College Avenue, Silver City, NM, 88062, USA

    Allison D. Evans

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Evans, A.D. Protest Patterns in Provincial Russia: a Paired Comparison of Company Towns. St Comp Int Dev 51, 456–481 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-015-9191-5

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