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Health, market integration, and the urban height penalty in the US, 1847–1894

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Abstract

This study analyzes trends and determinants of the height of men born in the 100 largest American urban areas during the second half of the nineteenth century and compares them with heights of the rural population. In this sample of 21,704 US Army recruits, there is an urban height penalty of up to 0.58 in. (1.5 cm). An increment in urban population of 100,000 is associated with a height decrease of about 0.31 in. (0.8 cm). Urban heights declined after 1855 followed by stagnation until the early 1890s, whereas rural heights stagnated from the late 1840s until 1885. Urban recruits from the northeast were 0.46 in. (1.2 cm) shorter than urban Midwestern recruits. There is some evidence of a height convergence between large and small cities toward the end of the century and of an inverted U-shaped relationship between height and city size. Urban heights were positively correlated with the extent of the railroad network, the real wage rate in the manufacturing sector, and high socioeconomic status, while they were negatively correlated with the death rate, and the percentage of the city’s population employed in manufacturing.

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Notes

  1. Our data are obtained from US Army enlistment record rolls 46–68 for the years 1898–1912 from the National Archives in Washington, DC and from volumes 11, 12, 18, and 19 of the 1880 US Census of Population and Housing (Report on the Social Statistics of the Cities).

  2. Out of the 100 largest cities in 1880, 75 were already among the 100 largest in 1860 (Gibson 1998).

  3. Deaths in 1880 are divided by the living population at the end of the year. This makes across country comparison difficult, but does not affect comparison between cities as done in this study. However, increasing accuracy in the recording of deaths over time could inflate death rates unless increases in accuracy also increased the population count (Billings 1885).

  4. The limitation is, however, that the crude death rate used here depends on the demographic structure of the city. The older the population in a city, the higher the crude death rate irrespective of the disease environment. However, infant mortality, another indicator of the disease environment, is only available at the state level.

  5. It is virtually impossible to clearly separate the effects of disease and nutrition on height. For an analysis of these two factors using data on southern slaves, see Coelho and McGuire (2000) and Steckel’s (2000) reply.

  6. Since immigrants tended to be shorter than native-born Americans, another channel is the intergenerational transmission of short stature to their children which would also lead to shorter heights of potential recruits. However, Zehetmayer (2010) finds no such evidence using a subsample of this dataset matched with the 1880 population census.

  7. The share of 10–15 year olds of the total workforce was 15 % (Weiss 2006; Sobek 2006).

  8. The unusual magnitude of the decline might be due to sampling error because of the small number of observations in this cohort.

  9. Urban semi-skilled workers nationwide, in the northeast, and in the 11th to 50th cities (ranked by size) suffered a height penalty (Table 2, Model 3; Table 3, Model 2; Table 4, Model 1). Urban skilled workers suffered a height penalty at all three of these levels and additionally in the ten largest cities (Table 2, Model 3; Table 3, Models 1 and 2; Table 4, Model 1). Urban upper-level white-collar workers enjoyed a height premium on the national level, in the 51st to 100th cities (ranked by size), and in the urban Midwest (Table 2, Model 3; Table 3, Model 3; Table 4, Model 3).

  10. Similar to Komlos (2007).

  11. This decrease is remarkable because it happened even though Suffolk County which contained Boston annexed townships that were more rural than the city of Boston. However, these townships had a relatively low agricultural productivity (Waring 1886).

  12. Proxies for public health such as the number of taps per household or the miles of sewage lines proved to be insignificant in all specifications.

  13. The urban penalty from Table 2, Model 1 for living in one of the 100 largest urban counties and standard deviations from Table 1 are used.

  14. The death rate ceases being significant when real wage is included. This could be because including the variable real wage reduces the sample size by as many as 3,352 observations.

  15. Using sample averages and coefficients from Table 10 in relation to the height penalty from Table 2.

  16. Using 1890 values from registration states that reported death rates (Haines 2001) with coefficients from Table 9 in relation to the height penalty from Table 2.

  17. A similar pattern for water transportation in urban areas has been identified by Yoo (2012).

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Acknowledgments

I am extremely grateful for the advice and support of John Komlos. I thank Timothy Cuff, Peggy Sideroff Danna, Michael Specht, Martin Spindler, Thomas Weiss, Gordon Winder, Dong Woo Yoo, and Michael Zabel for helpful comments and conversations.

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Zehetmayer, M. Health, market integration, and the urban height penalty in the US, 1847–1894. Cliometrica 7, 161–187 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11698-012-0085-8

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