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Newtonian Battels with Rising Stars and Wheeling Moons

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Swift and Science
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Abstract

The Tale and Battel (1704) appeared at a time when Low Church Anglicans appropriated the discoveries and theories of Newtonian natural philosophy in their defences of Christianity. These ‘physico-theological’ writings were associated with, but not exclusive to, the lectures established through the will of Robert Boyle (1691). Designed to prove ‘the Christian Religion, against notorious Infidels’, these sermons reflect fears of an atheistical materialism promulgated by Thomas Hobbes and ‘libertine’ followers of Epicurus and Lucretius, whose systems explained the workings of the universe through matter and motion alone.1 The first Boyle lectures were delivered from the pulpit of St Martin-in-the-Fields in 1692 by Richard Bentley, then chaplain to the Bishop of Worcester (Edward Stillingfleet), and soon-to-be Master of Trinity College, Cambridge.

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Notes

  1. Henry Guerlac and M. C. Jacob, ‘Bentley, Newton, and Providence: The Boyle Lectures Once More’, Journal of the History of Ideas, 30 (1969), 307–18 (pp. 312, 317–18). The classic account of the Boyle lectures is Jacob’s The Newtonians and the English Revolution, 1689–1720 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1976).

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  2. ‘Letter IV: To Mr. Bentley, at the Palace at Worcester, from Isaac Newton, Cambridge, February 11, 1693’, in The Works of Richard Bentley, ed. Alexander Dyce, 3 vols (London: MacPherson, 1836–38; repr. Hildesheim: Olms, 1971), III, 215. See John Henry, ‘“Pray Do Not Ascribe that Notion to Me”: God and Newton’s Gravity’, in The Books of Nature and Scripture: Recent Essays on Natural Philosophy, Theology, and Biblical Criticism in the Netherlands of Spinoza’s Time and the British Isles of Newton’s Time, eds James E. Force and Richard H. Popkin (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic, 1994), pp. 123–47,

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  3. and Rome Harré, ‘Knowledge’, in The Ferment of Knowledge: Studies in the Historiography of Eighteenth-Century Science, eds G. S. Rousseau and Roy Porter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), pp. 11–54 (esp. pp. 25–27).

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  5. See esp. Ehrenpreis, I, 117, and Roger D. Lund, ‘Strange Complicities: Atheism and Conspiracy in A Tale of a Tub’, Eighteenth-Century Life, 13: 3 (November 1989), 34–58;

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  6. repr. in British Literature 1640–1789: A Critical Reader, ed. Robert DeMaria, Jr (Oxford: Blackwell, 1999), pp. 142–68.

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  7. Phillip Harth, Swift and Anglican Rationalism: The Religious Background of ‘A Tale of a Tub’ (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1961), pp. 23 and n., 145–46.

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  10. For A. H. De-Quehen, the ‘Micro-Coat’ of the sartorists parodies Bentley’s suggestion that men should look for the existence of God ‘within themselves’ (‘Lucretius and Swift’s Tale of a Tub’, University of Toronto Quarterly, 63 [1993/1994], 287–307 [pp. 307n44, 299]; Bentley, Works, III, 121). The Neoplatonic idea of ‘Man as a Microcosm or a Little World’, perhaps encountered via Henry More, seems a more obvious echo. See Conjectura Cabbalistica (London, 1653), facs. reprt in Henry More: Major Philosophical Works, ed. G. A. J. Rogers, 9 vols (Bristol: Thoemmes Press, 1997), II, 53, and also 195. Irvin Ehrenpreis at one time claimed that ‘Bentley’s lectures made a tremendous stir, and they must have been known to Swift’, but his masterful three-volume biography does not acknowledge this prospect: see ‘Four of Swift’s Sources’, Modern Language Notes, 70 (1955), 95–100 (p. 99).

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  13. See also Boyle, ‘New Science in the Composition of A Tale of a Tub’, in Reading Swift: Papers from the Fifth Münster Symposium on Jonathan Swift, ed. Hermann J. Real (München: Fink, 2008), pp. 175–84. Boyle’s case for connecting the Principia to the Tale has been criticized by Robert Phiddian (Review of Swift as Nemesis, in Modern Philology, 99 [2002], 437–39 [p. 438]). We know that Swift owned the second edition of the Principia (1713) (LRJS, II, 1314–15), and it is uncertain as to whether he possessed detailed knowledge of the work before then.

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  14. See esp. Mark McDayter, ‘The Haunting of St. James’s Library: Librarians, Literature, and The Battle of the Books’, Huntington Library Quarterly, 66 (2003), 1–26 (pp. 5–9).

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  16. E. W. Gudger, ‘The Five Great Naturalists of the Sixteenth Century: Belon, Rondelet, Salviani, Gesner and Aldrovandi: A Chapter in the History of Ichthyology’, Isis, 22 (1934), 21–40 (pp. 36–37).

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  23. On the political character of this conflict, see Robert Markley, Fallen Languages: Crises of Representation in Newtonian England, 1660–1740 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993), pp. 204–207.

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  31. Jean Le Clerc, Bibliothèque Ancienne et Moderne, 15 (Paris, 1721), 441–45, repr. in Swift: The Critical Heritage, ed. Kathleen Williams (London: Routledge, 1970), p. 59, Atterbury to Bishop Jonathan Trelawney, 15 June 1704, in Memoirs and Correspondence of Francis Atterbury, D. D., Bishop of Rochester, ed. Robert Folkestone Williams, 2 vols (London: W. H. Allen, 1869), I, 99, and King, Some Remarks upon the Tale of a Tub. In a Letter (London, 1704), repr. in The Original Works of William King, 3 vols (London, 1776), I, 215–16.

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  32. On the possible use of a persona in the ‘Apology’, see Frank H. Ellis, ‘No Apologies, Dr. Swift!’, Eighteenth-Century Life, 21: 3 (November 1997), 71–76,

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  33. and Judith C. Mueller, ‘Writing under Constraint: Swift’s “Apology” for A Tale of a Tub’, ELH, 60 (1993), 101–15.

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  34. Samuel Clarke, A Discourse Concerning the Unchangeable Obligations of Natural Religion, and the Truth and Certainty of the Christian Revelation, 2nd edn (London, 1708), pp. 28–29, 31. See Frank T. Boyle, ‘Profane and Debauched Deist: Swift in the Contemporary Response to A Tale of a Tub’, Eighteenth-Century Ireland, 3 (1988), 25–38, and Swift as Nemesis, pp. 151–55. Clarke produced a Latin translation of the Opticks (Optice, 1706).

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© 2012 Gregory Lynall

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Lynall, G. (2012). Newtonian Battels with Rising Stars and Wheeling Moons. In: Swift and Science. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137016966_4

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