Abstract
The demise of Russia’s gubernatorial elections bore all the makings of a great murder mystery, with many possible explanations and much disputed evidence. The Kremlin argued that the institution of gubernatorial elections was so corrupt and disorderly that it was terminally ill. From this perspective, the elimination of gubernatorial elections was a form of euthanasia designed to spare the country from further suffering (largely owing to self-inflicted wounds). Critics of Vladimir Putin’s regime cried foul play, arguing that the institution’s untimely demise was no mercy killing. As the story goes, the Kremlin increasingly lost control over the governors since Putin came to power, often failing to get its own candidates elected or even to maintain control over those it did. Hence, the elimination of electoral institutions was nothing more than a desperate bid to restore central authority in the regions, implemented by a regime that knew little about democracy and a great deal about coercion.
Parts of this article, which is otherwise new, appear in a piece by the same author: J. Paul Goode, ‘The Puzzle of Putin’s Gubernatorial Appointments’, Europe-Asia Studies, Vol. 59, 3 (May 2007): 365–99. The editors thank Taylor & Francis Ltd (http://www.informaworld.com) for their permission to use this copyrighted material.
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Preview
Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.
Notes
V. Tolz and I. Busygina, ‘Regional Governors and the Kremlin: the Ongoing Battle for Power’, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 30, No. 4 (1998): 402, 410–11.
S. L. Solnick, ‘Gubernatorial Elections in Russia, 1996–97’, Post-Soviet Affairs, 14, 1 (1998): 50. Republican elections were also held in Ingushetiya, Kalmykiya, Bashkortostan, and Chuvashiya.
Among the 1995 elections, the most significant was the April 1995 election in Sverdlovsk oblast. In this case, Yeltsin’s former appointee, Eduard Rossel’, contested the moratorium on gubernatorial elections in the Constitutional Court and forced a compromise in which the complaint was withdrawn in exchange for a decree allowing the election to take place. G. M. Easter, ‘Redefining Centre-Regional Relations in the Russian Federation: Sverdlovsk Oblast”, Europe-Asia Studies, 49, No. 4 (1997): 617–36.
J. W. Hahn, ‘Democratization and Political Participation in Russia’s Regions’, in Democratic Changes and Authoritarian Reactions in Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, and Moldova, ed., K. Dawisha and B. Parrott ( Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997 ), p. 157.
Ibid., pp. 62–4. Among the opposition candidates, the most successful were those who had previously served as chairs of regional assemblies. A. Shatilov and V. Nechaev, ‘Regional’nye vybory: osobennosti tekhnologii i kharakter predpochtenii’, Svobodnaya Mysl’, No. 6 (1997): 60.
E. V. Popova, ‘Problemnye izmereniya elektoral’noi politiki v Rossii: gubernatorskie vybory v sravnitel’noi perspektive’, Polis, No. 3 (2001): 47–62
S. Barzilov and A. Chernyshov, ‘Manevry mestnoi elity: politika informatsii i manipuliatsii v regionakh’, Svobodnaya Mysl’, No. 3 (2001): 35.
D. Slider, ‘Pskov Under the LDPR: Elections and Dysfunctional Federalism in One Region’, Europe-Asia Studies, 51, No. 5 (1999): 765–6.
C. Ross, Federalism and Democratisation in Russia ( Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002 ): 158–64.
Robert Orttung and Peter Reddaway, ‘What Do the Okrug Reforms Add Up To? Some Conclusions’, in The Dynamics of Russian Politics: Putin’s Reform of Federal-Regional Relations, ed., R. Orttung and P. Reddaway ( Boulder: Rowman & Littlefield, 2004 ), pp. 285–6.
J. C. Moses, ‘Political-Economic Elites and Russian Regional Elections 1999–2000: Democratic Tendencies in Kaliningrad, Perm and Volgograd’, Europe-Asia Studies, 54, No. 6 (2002): 912.
J. P. Goode, ‘The Push for Regional Enlargement in Putin’s Russia’, Post-Soviet Affairs, 20, No. 3 (2004): 219–57
E. Huskey, ‘Political Leadership and the Centre-Periphery Struggle: Putin’s Administrative Reforms’, in A. Brown and L. Shevtsova, ed., Gorbachev, Yeltsin, and Putin: Political Leadership in Russia’s Transition ( Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2001 ), pp. 113–41
M. Hyde, ‘Putin’s Federal Reforms and their Implications for Presidential Power in Russia’, Europe-Asia Studies, 53, No. 5 (2001): 719–43
P. Reddaway and R. W. Orttung, eds, The Dynamics of Russian Politics: Putin’s Reform of Federal-Regional Relations, vol. 1 ( Boulder: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003 )
R. Turovskii, ‘Federal’nye okruga: politiko-geograficheskii podkhod v teorii i na praktike’, Federalizm, No. 1 (2003): 217–50.
N. Gul’ko, ‘Rus’ vertikal’naya’, Kommersant-Vlast’ (20 September 2004): 16.
A. Konitzer, Voting for Russia’s Governors: Regional Elections and Accountability under Yeltsin and Putin ( Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Centre Press, 2005 ), p. 6.
E. A. Chebankova, ‘The Limitations of Central Authority in the Regions and the Implications for the Evolution of Russia’s Federal System’, Europe-Asia Studies, 57, No. 7 (2005): 941–2.
For a discussion of explanations for this lapse in 2004, see: D. Kamyshev, ‘Altai-boltai i drugie’, Kommersant-Vlast’ (12 April 2004 ): 14–16.
A. Brown, ‘Vladimir Putin and the Reaffirmation of Central State Power’, Post-Soviet Affairs, 17, No. 1 (2001): 45–55.
For discussion of the Kremlin’s apparent losses, see: Vedomosti (23 December 2003); I. Bulavinov, ‘Bez Kremlya v golove’, Kommersant-Vlast’ (24 February 2003): 20–1
Y. Shabaev, ‘Nenets Race Heads Into Runoff’, Russian Regional Report (2 February 2005 )
V. Ulyadurov, Elista, and A. Barakhova, ‘Vybory. Respublika Kalmykiya’, Kommersant-Vlast’ (14 October 2002 ): 24.
H. E. Hale, ‘Explaining Machine Politics in Russia’s Regions: Economy, Ethnicity, and Legacy’, Post-Soviet Affairs, 19, No. 3 (2003): 240.
In 2006, the Regional Development Ministry proposed a list of 134 criteria that would be used to evaluate governors’ performance. Novye Izvestiya (12 October 2006). After Dmitrii Kozak was named Minister for Regional Development in September 2007, he began working on new proposals to decentralise economic control while strengthening performance-based accountability to the Kremlin. D. Slider, ‘Russian Federalism: Can It Be Rebuilt from the Ruins?’, Russian Analytical Digest, No. 43 (2008): 2–4.
E. Chebankova, ‘The Unintended Consequences of Gubernatorial Appointments in Russia, 2005–6’, Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, 22, No. 4 (2006): 457–84.
D. Guseva, ‘Dobrovol’no-prinuditel’naya otstavka’, Politcom.ru (8 June 2005 ).
Editor information
Editors and Affiliations
Copyright information
© 2010 J. Paul Goode
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Goode, J.P. (2010). Russia’s Gubernatorial Elections: A Postmortem. In: Newton, J., Tompson, W. (eds) Institutions, Ideas and Leadership in Russian Politics. St Antony’s Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230282940_3
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230282940_3
Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, London
Print ISBN: 978-1-349-36232-5
Online ISBN: 978-0-230-28294-0
eBook Packages: Palgrave Political & Intern. Studies CollectionPolitical Science and International Studies (R0)